A concise Old Irish grammar and reader, Summaries of Latin

Download A concise Old Irish grammar and reader and more Summaries Latin in PDF only on Docsity! | he UNIVERSITY O im ay Es ,~ } . #: oe Ns a nes rteN af is ex:KY,aa hag ; See 7, feet —a E; Lv, IO IO OI Maid : SS. pI ef b Bei °| BA PAs | TP bea R :9] , ; Cy : NON ‘SS tok Sie ~ aS he OFS ‘A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR AND READER ; BY JULIUS POKORNY, Pu.D., LL.D. (Vienna) PART I: GRAMMAR HALLE a. §. MAX NIEMEYER DUBLIN HODGES, FIGGIS AND CO, LTD. 1914  A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR AND READER BY JULIUS POKORNY, Pu.D., LL.D. (Vienna) PART I: GRAMMAR HALLE a. S. MAX NIEMEYER DUBLIN HODGES, FIGGIS AND CO. LTD. 1914 CONTENTS Preface page i List of AEB aone. i 2 (The numbers refer to the paragraphs.) A. ORTHOGRAPHY 1 B. PHONOLOGY 2-131 Sounds 2-4 Aspwation 5-19 Eclipsis 20-33 Doubling of Initial Consonants 34 Quality of Consonants 35. Glide- Vowels 36-41 Old Final Syllables. 42-46 Influence of Lost Vowels in Final Syllables o1 n the Sheeine Consonants : 47-49 Development of Secondary Vowels after the Loss of Final Syllables 50 Stress . 51-53 Working of the A coe im Stressed Syllables f 54 Working of the Accent in Enclitic Syllables A 2 55- 58(-76) Syncope, 55. Shortening of Long Vowels, 56. Quality of unstressed non-final Vowels, 57-58. Development of Secondary Vowels in Syncopated Syllables . 59 Quality of Final Consonants preceded by an Epenthetic Vowel . : : 60 Founded Quality of Ge reonanted in Enclitic Syllables 61-64 Depalatalisation of Consonants in Enclitic Syllables . P 65 Quality of Consonants in Syncopated Syllables, which have developed an Epenthetic Vowel before them a a GORE Voicing of Spirants in Unstressed Syllables . 72-74 Unvoicing of Final Aspirated g 79 De-aspiration of Final Consonants 76 v1 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR Working of the Accent in Proclitic Syllables Changes in Consonant-Groups resulting from Syncope De-aspiration, 84. Voicing of Consonants, 85. Unvoicing of Consonants, 86. Assimilation, 87. Influence of aspirated s, 88. Unvoicing of Initial Aspirated b Double Cgascent: Genealogical History of Old Theis and Coane -Groups not resulting from Syncope ‘ : Sonants Compensatory Len athening of Vowels Haplology Semi-Vowels . Vowels and Diphthongs 3 : - Short Vowels, 113-117. Long Vowels, 118-120. Short Diphthongs, 121-122. Long Diphthongs, 123-124. Vowel-Contraction I. E. Vowel-Gradation C. ACCIDENCE The Definite Article . The Noun The Adjective Declension, 149-158. Comparison, 154. Adverbs, 155. Numerals Pronouns and Allicevas ennmaeted therewith Personal Pronouns Independent Pronouns, 158. Infixed Pronouns, 159. Suffixed Pronouns, 160, Possessive Pronouns and Adjectives . Interrogative Pronouns and Adjectives Interrogative Particles Relative Pronouns Emphatic Particles : Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives Definitive Pronouns and Adjectives . Indefinitive Pronouns and Adjectives 77-83 84-88 89 90 91-104 105-106 107-109 110 111-112 113-124 125-126 127-131 132-212 132 133-148 149-155 156-157 158-172 158-160 161-162 163-164 165 166 167 168 169 170-171 PREFACE Tus little book has been written in order to serve as an easy introduction to the scientific study of Old Irish. There is need for such a book; for the Manuals of Strachan and Thurneysen, excellent as they are, are not very well suited for beginners. Though the Old Irish literary remains that have been pre- served in contemporary MSS. consist almost exclusively of Glosses and Scholia, a great number of fine stories and poems, going back to Old Irish times, have been preserved in later MSS., often corrupt and modernised by the medizval scribes, but not so much changed that it would not be possible to restore the original text with some certainty. In the Reader I have endeavoured to give representative examples of the chief literary subjects: saga, religion, law— both in prose and poetry—and some also of the more interest- ing glosses. The critical Old Irish texts are accompanied by full notes with constant references to the respective paragraphs of the grammar. For the use of beginners who have not the assistance of a teacher, a short text with a copious and elaborate commentary has been included. The grammar is built up in accordance with the strictest scientific principles, though with regard to the arrangement of the paragraphs the practical point of view has been considered in the first instance. It is quite evident that this part especially of the book must be deeply indebted to the grammars of Thurneysen and Pedersen. Strachan’s publications also have been of great value to me, and some rules have been literally taken over from his Selections from the Old Irish Glosses. But that A 2 OLD IRISH GRAMMAR AND READER my grammar is no mere extract from the works of my prede- cessors and that I have made my own way, where necessary, will become apparent in considering eg. the chapter on the difficult problems of palatalisation. I wish to state here my deep indebtedness to the kindness of Professor Kuno Meyer, who kindly read the proofs and assisted me in the most liberal way by frequent gifts of books and pamphlets. But my chief thanks are due to the ‘Gesellschaft fiir Forderung deutscher Wissenschaft, Kunst und Literatur in Bohmen,’ whose most generous financial assistance enabled me to revisit Ireland and Wales in order to complete my dialectal studies and to collect new material for further publications. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS acc. = accusative. act, =active. adj. = adjective. adv. =adverb. arch. = archaic. art. = article. cf. = compare. compar. = comparative. con}. = conjunction. epd. = compound. dat. = dative. dep. = deponent. der. = derived. e.g. =for instance. encl. =enclitic. f. = feminine. Fél. = Félire century). fr. = from. fut. = future. gen. = genitive. gl. =gloss or glosses. Got. = Gothic. i.e. = that is. LE. = Indo-European. impf. = imperfect. ind. = indicative. inf. = infinitive. infix. =infixed. ipv. = imperative. Lat. = Latin. leg. = read. lit. = literally. Oéngusso (early 9th Lith. = Lithuanian. m. = masculine. Mid. I.= Middle Irish. Ml. = Milan Glosses (early 9th cent.). Mod. I. = Modern Irish. n. = neuter. neg. = negative. nom. = nominative. O. C.=Old Celtic. O. Ir. = Old Irish. p. = page. part. = participle. part. nec. = participle of necessity. pass. = passive. perf. = perfect. pl. = plural. poss. = possessive. Pr. Ir.= Prehistoric Irish (5th cent.). prep. = preposition. pres. = present. procl. = proclitic. pron. = pronoun. rel. = relative. Bese sec. = secondary. Sg.=St. Gall Glosses (middle of 9th century ; partly copied from other sources). sg. = singular. Skr. = Sanskrit. st. =stem. subj. =subjunctive. suff, = suffixed. 6 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR B.— PHONOLOGY § 2 Phonetic Table of Irish Consonants | For the different Stops | SPIRANTS | Liquips es tpl San Ea eae | eae CRABS WER POMMOMOKREN TT IE sc a SS Voicsieas| voiced Voicetess Voiced Nasal consonants, and “=4 —|—— the difference be- aspirated a Dentals, . t ay |) th, 8 ad n Db | a tween aspirated aS SAAR ee ———— —j|——) and unaspirated aspirated 7 before Gutturals, c | g ch g wees | m, 1, 7, see §§ 7, Se ae ee Labials, . p b | f (ph) aspirated m pape 2 Breathing, | | | hk § 3. As already in the O. Ir. period the orthography is to some extent historical, the spoken sounds, as given in the preceding phonetic table, are not always identical with their orthographical representatives. e.g. the voiced spirant d in peccad ‘sin’ may be represented also by th (peccath), though final unaccented th had become voiced throughout. § 4. Table of Irish Vowels. (For the glide-vowels s. §§ 36-41.} There are 5 short vowels, a, e, i, 0, u. bs 5 long vowels, d, é, 4, 6, %. and 8 diphthongs, at (de), ot (6c), ut, du, éw (é0), tu, ta, ta.) Following Thurneysen, I write af, of, wi, in order to distinguish these diphthongs from long 4d, 4, #, followed by a palatal glide. Aspiration § 5. Every consonant can be aspirated (or lenited). Aspiration (lenition) takes place between vowels and in some other postvocalic positions in the interior of a word. eg. cath ‘battle’ fr. *katus, arathar ‘ plough’ fr. *aratrom. 1? On the diphthongs ia, wa with short i and u, which occur only in proclitic words, see § 126 and § 81, exception 1. PHONOLOGY 7 § 6. Forms ending formerly in a vowel aspirate the initial consonant of a closely connected following word. § 7. The stops 8, d, g, p, t, ce, when aspirated, are converted into the corresponding spirants; m becomes a voiced nasal spirant ; s is converted into a voiceless breathing h (if s goes back to an old sv or sp, its aspirated form is f, e.g. siwr ‘sister’ fr. *svesor, but mo fiur ‘my sister.’); aspirated f is silent, and consequently sometimes omitted in writing; aspirated J, n, 7 have a much less intensive articulation than the corresponding unaspirated sounds. ' § 8. Only in the case of ¢, p,¢ is aspiration regularly expressed in writing (ch, ph, th); in later O. Ir. the aspiration of f and s is marked by putting a dot over them (8, f); b, d, g, m, l, m, r may represent the aspirated or the unaspirated sounds. But while the aspirated sounds cannot be doubled in writing, this is done frequently with the unaspirated sounds; mostly after vowels, but sometimes also after consonants. See § 90, § 34and § 1 note. On the doubling of initial unaspirated consonants, see § 34. Principal Rules for Syntactical Aspiration. (Cf. § 6.) § 9. The article, and the adjectives cach, nach, alaile, indala, ule, cétnae, inonn aspirate a noun in the nom. sg. f. and nom. pl. m., in the dat. sg. of all genders, and in the gen. sg. m. and n. e.g. do-n chorp ‘to the body.’ § 10. An adjective or a dependent genitive, when closely con- nected with the foregoing word, is very often aspirated, if the preceding noun is (a) a dat. sg. (of all genders.) (6) a nom. sg. f., or voc. sg. of all genders. (c) a gen. sg. of a mase. or n. o or jo stem, or a nom. pl. of a masc. o or jo stem. (d) nom. or voc. pl. n. 8 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR e.g. hé thoil cholno ‘as to the desire of the flesh’ (a); tol cholnide ‘ carnal desire’ (b); ind folaid chétnai ‘ of the same substance’ (c). § 11. After the poss. pron. m(o), do, t’, a (m. and n.), the infixed pron. 1 and 2 sg. and 3 sg.n., sé ‘she,’ the neuters alaill and the interrogative pronouns ced, cid (§ 22, Exe. d.), ci-s¢ aspiration takes place. eg. a chenél ‘his tribe, for-dom-chomaither ‘I am pre- served.’ § 12. The voce. particle a, the conj. ocws (acus), no and fa (ba), and the prepositions amal, ar, cen, dt, do, fiad, fo, im(m), ts, 6 (ua), 6s (vas), tre (tri) aspirate the initial of immediately follow- ing nouns. e.g. fo chosmuilius ... ‘after the fashion of’... § 13. After the nom. acc. gen. dual m. and f. aspiration takes place, e.g. di chétbuid ‘ two senses.’ § 14. The conjunctions ma, cta (ce), co, 6, and the negatives nicon, nacon aspirate the initials of the following verbs. e.g. 6 chretsit ‘since they have believed.’ § 15. Aspiration is found after some forms of the copula, e.g. always after the imperative and after relative forms: nech bed char(a)e ‘any one that was a friend.’ § 16. In the interior of nominal compounds aspiration takes place :— (a) after nouns, adjectives, and numerals. e.g. dag-theist ‘a good testimony.’ (b) after the prefixes so- (su-), do- (dw)-, mé-, neb- (neph-). e.g. mi-thovmtiu ‘a false opinion.’ (c) after prepositions ending originally in a vowel; later also after other prepositions. e.g. airchenn (fr. *pre-k’engnom) ‘ head, end.’ § 17. In compound verbs all preverbal prepositions, the nega- PHONOLOGY 11 (probably also ed ‘it’), and the infixed neuter personal pronoun of the 3 sg. do not cause eclipsis (cf. § 11). eg. na galar ‘any sickness.’ Note 1.—The nominal prepositions dichum ‘to,’ 2 n-degaid, ‘after’ and ¢ar-ést ‘in place of,’ which cause eclipsis, are like- wise subject to the exceptions a, b and ce. Note 2. Hclipsis takes place after the nominative and accusative singular neuter, even if the form did not originally end in -n. e.g. bir n-umaz (fr. 1.e. *g’eru omiji) ‘a spit of brass.’ § 23. The numeral adjectives secht, ocht, not, deich (also cote and sé in the genitive case), the possessive pronouns ar, far, a (‘their’) and the interrogative particle in cause eclipsis. § 24. Hclipsis takes place after the neuter dual forms and the dative dual of all genders of the numeral 2. e.g. 1 n-dib n-tarib déac ‘in twelve hours.’ § 25. Eclipsis takes place after the conjunctions a ‘when, ara ‘in order that, co, con ‘so that’ dia ‘if, 6 (va) ‘since’ and the prepositions co (‘with’), 2, dar, re (ria). On dochwm, i n-degaid, tar-ési, see § 22, note 1. § 26. The relative particle (s)a causes eclipsis. e.g. tressa m-bi bethu ‘ through which is life.’ § 27. Hclipsis takes place regularly after the infixed personal pronoun of the 3 sg. masc. and often after the infixed personal pronoun s of the 3 sg. fem. and 3 plur. e.g. cot-n-erba ‘he entrusts himself’; no-s-m-bered ‘he carried them.’ § 28. In compound relative! verbs the negative na, nad, the preverbal prepositions and the particles ro-, no- (if no in- fixed pronoun follows) eclipse the initial of the following syllable under the following conditions: a. If the relative form expresses an accusative relation. e.g. in niall do-n-gnt ‘the shout which he makes.’ See also § 17, exception a. 1 In the cases mentioned below under b (but not after adjectives), c, e, f, g, the verb is not necessarily relative, and hence eclipsis is not obligatory. 12 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR b. After adverbs and adjectives of manner. e.g. is maith do-m-beir ‘it is well that he gives.’ c. After substantives with the force of an oblique case of the relative. e.g. laithe ro-n-génair ‘the day on which he was born.’ d. In the so-called etymological figure. eg. légend ro-llégusa (=ro-n-légus-sa) ‘ the reading which I have read.’ e. After certain nominal and pronominal conjunctions: ama(i)l, céin, céne, inta(i)n, lasse, a (‘when’) dre (care), fo bith, dég. f. In reported speech, e.g. as-beir nad-n-tba ‘he says that he will not drink.’ g. With a dependent subjunctive. eg. amaires na-n-da-tiberad dia ‘unfaith, that God would not give it.’ h. After ol ‘ than’ and ‘ because.’ e.g. ol as-n-gleinn ‘ because he searches out.’ § 29. In relative verbs which contain an infixed pronoun the eclipsing 7” is inserted immediately before the d of the pronoun. eg. amal as-i-n-d-biur sa (not *as-n-id-) ‘as I say it.’ § 30. In simple relative verbs eclipsis takes place under the same conditions as in compound relative verbs (§ 28) though not regularly. Only after a ‘what’ eclipsis is regular. e.g. amal n-guidess ‘as he prays, is maith n-dsas ‘it is well that it grows,’ i.e. ‘it grows well.’ Note.—Absolute copula forms are not eclipsed but cause eclipsis of a following stressed word. e.g. céin bas m-béo ‘as long as he is alive.’ § 31. In interrogative sentences absolute copula forms some- times cause eclipsis. e.g. cit n-é ‘ who are they ?’ § 32. A petrified n is found in nechtar n-at ‘ either of them,’ cechtar n-at ‘every one of them, indala n-at ‘one of them,’ and cechtar n-athar ‘both of us.’ PHONOLOGY 13 § 33. The eclipsing n may be omitted in writing if the next word begins with a (merely graphic) h (ef. § 1, 5.) eg. dochum hirisse (or dochum n-irisse) ‘ unto faith.’ Doubling of Initial Consonants § 34. As proclitic words are often written together with the following stressed word, the initial consonant of this word may be treated orthographically like a consonant in the interior of a word. Thusif the preceding proclitic word (ending in a vowel) does not cause aspiration (e.g. the prepositions a, co, fri, la, the neuter na ‘any’ etc.) the initial consonant may be doubled (§ 8), and the voiced stops b, d, g may be written 9, t, ¢, ete. (§ 1). e.g. tiagussa (=tiagu-sa) ‘I go,’ bacalar (=ba galar) ‘it was sickness’; collda ‘to the day’ (=co lda; both forms in Wb. 5b 4). The same explanation holds good in the case of verbal com- pounds, where such doubling is found after the pretonic pre- verbal prepositions, after ro-, no- and the negative particles ni, Nd, cont, con, etc., provided the verb is not relative. eg. niténat (=ni dénat) ‘they do not do, dommuwinetar (=do-muinetar) ‘they believe.’ Perhaps this doubling is not in every case merely ortho- graphical. Spontaneous doubling of initial consonants occurs also in Italian. In the genitive of the article, the fem. possessive pronoun a and other words ending originally in -s, the aspirated final s (=h) may have been assimilated to the following consonant. Note.—The doubling of s, J, 7, n, m after eclipsing pretonic words could be also explained by assuming assimilation to the eclipsing n. On the Quality of Consonants § 35. Every consonant may be pronounced in three different ways. It may possess a palatal (7) quality, a broad or neutral (a) quality, or a rounded (0 and w) quality according to the point of contact of the tongue with the palate and the position 16 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR preceding consonants become palatal e.g. mwir ‘sea’ fr *mort, neirt (gen. sg. of nert ‘strength’) fr. *nerti; fir ‘men’ fr. *vira, older *viroi. But final -d7 acts like 6 e.g. fiur (dat. sg.) fr. *virdi. § 48. If the lost vowel was a, eu, ou or o (6 in final syllables had become @, except before -m, -n, cf. § 45 exception), the pre- ceding consonants become broad. e.g. sctath ‘shield’ fr. *skeztos. § 49. If the lost vowel was wu, du, ow, o(v) or U, the rules are more complicated. 1. Consonants preceded by long vowels (save %) or diphthongs are regularly broad. eg. ddn ‘gift’ fr. *donus. Exception.—After é resulting from compensatory lengthening (§§ 107-108) final J, n, r keep their w quality. eg. éwn dat. sg. of én ‘bird’ fr. *petndi (cf. § 48). 2. ch, cc, th, d (if from th, § 72) and ss preceded by @ (a) are likewise broad. e.g. cath ‘battle’ fr. *katus, glanad, ‘cleansing’ fr. *glanatus. 3. In other cases we have to distinguish between stressed and unstressed syllables: (a) in unstressed final syllables, except in the cases mentioned above the w quality regularly prevails (but consonants originally preceded by ja, ja are broad ; see brithem, § 145). eg. ammus ‘attempt’ fr. *ad-med-tus. (b) in stressed syllables some consonant groups and ss often —though not regularly—give up their w quality in order to become broad. e.g. mess ‘judgment’ fr. *med-tus; fiss or fuss ‘knowledge’ fr. *vid-tus. Note.—All these rules are very often crossed by analogical influences. In datives like galar ‘sickness,’ sacardd ‘priest,’ the preservation of the second a may be due to the assimilation to the first a. Development of Secondary Vowels after the Loss of Final Syllables § 50. If after the loss of final syllables a final consonant group PHONOLOGY 17 ended in 1, 7, n, m, preceded by a different consonant, a secondary vowel is developed between them. e.g. arathar ‘plough’ fr. *aratrom, vmmon ‘hymn’ fr. Latin hymnus. (On the quality of these vowels, see § 60.) (On secondary vowels developed in syncopated syllables, see § 59.) No secondary vowel is developed (a) If the preceding consonant has been lost (§§ 107, 109.) e.g. war ‘cold’ fr. *ougro-. (b) If m, n, are preceded by postvocalic 7, J or aspirated d. e.g. salm, psalm’ fr. Latin psalmus. Stress § 51. The article, pronouns, and prepositions before their relation, infixed personal pronouns and the copula as well as emphasising pronouns, affixed demonstrative pronouns, and some conjunctions (but cf. p. 29, footnote), never bear any stress. § 62. All other words with exception of the verbs are stressed on the first syllable. Note.—In compounds, as ro-mér ‘ very great,’ com-lén ‘complete the stem syllable may bear a secondary stress. This is of course a late development. § 53. With regard to verbs we have to distinguish: 1. Simple and denominative verbs (i.e. verbs formed from a noun) are always stressed on the first syllable. eg. comalnaithir ‘fulfils’ (fr. comlan). 2. Compound verbs (including verbs which have the verbal particle ro- before them) are stressed on the first syllable’ only in the following cases: (a) In the imperative, except when there is an infixed pronoun. eg. epir ‘say’ fr. *eks-bhere, but du-m-em se ‘ protect me.’ (b) After the relative preceded by a preposition. e.g. frissa n-epur ‘to whom I say.’ 1 So-called genuine compounds, § 173, 2; cf. § 181, footnote. B ? f UROH og; ? SS sa Lee 18 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR (c) After the negative particles ni, na, nad, nach and their compounds (nicon, mani, ceni, etc.). e.g. arna-coscram (=con-scaram) ‘in order that we may not destroy.’ (d) After the interrogative particle in eg. an fodmat ? ‘Do they suffer?’ (= fo-damet). (e) After the conjunctions ara” ‘in order that, co”, con” ‘so that,’ dia” ‘if, when,’ 6 (v%ia”) ‘since.’ e.g. con rd-chra (=ro-cara) ‘that he might love.’ Exception.—If the verbal particle vo- comes immediately (without an intervening infixed personal pronoun) after the aforementioned particles (with the exception of nad) the stress is sometimes shifted to the following syllable. eg. con-ru-failnither ‘that it may be supplied, but con ro-chra. 3. Otherwise in compound verbs (including verbs which have the verbal particles no- or ro- before them) the second element bears the stress. e.g. do-béir ‘he gives,’ ro-gab ‘he has taken.’ Note 1.—If there is an infixed pronoun, the syllable following the pronoun is stressed. e.g. imm-um-riidbed ‘I have been niveueaeieean Note 2.—The particles mentioned above (b-e) and ro-, no- are called preverbs (§ 173, 2). Working of the Accent in Stressed Syllables § 54. Stressed syllables ending in a vowel (after the loss of final consonants) are lengthened. e.g. trv ‘a doomed person’ fr. *trwk-s, but gen. troch fr. *truk-os. Working of the Accent in Enclitic Syllables § 55. Syncope. I. In words of more than two (and four) syllables (after the loss of final syllables) the vowel of the second (and fourth) syllable is thrown out. 1 So-called non-genuine compounds, § 173, 2; cf. § 181 footnote. re. rant ir oy so PHONOLOGY 21 3. between a palatal and a neutral consonant as e, some- times as 2. e.g. forcetal or forcital ‘teaching’ fr. for+cétal. 4. between a neutral and a palatal consonant as i, later as a(t). e.g. scélige, scéla(z)ge ‘ storyteller.’ 5. between an wu coloured and a palatal consonant as u(¢), seldom as 7. e.g. sochuide, sochude, sochide ‘ multitude.’ 6. between a palatal and an w coloured consonant as 7, seldom as iu. e.g. airigud ‘ perceiving.’ ¢. Enclitic vowels in open or closed syllables appear 1. between rounded consonants as wu or o, though w is much more common. e.g. -dgur or -dgor ‘I fear’ (§§ 62, 49, 3 a). 2. between o coloured and neutral consonants or vice versa regularly as 0, but sometimes as a. eg. feronn or ferann ‘land’ (fr. *verono-), anacol ‘ protection.’ 3. between an w coloured and a neutral consonant as w oro. e.g. Mid. I. trussa, O. Ir. *iruss(a)e fr. ir-(O. C. *era, LE. *perd)+ass(a)e (I.E. *ad-(s)thajo-) ‘very easy.’ Mid. I. irud, wrod fr. ir-+*dth (O. Ir. uath) ‘great dread.’ Cf. further §§ 63, 64. Note.—The rules given in this paragraph are sometimes crossed by analogy, e.g. bindiusa, gen. sg. of bindius ‘melody,’ owes its u to the influence of the nominative. The regular form would be *bindsea, older *bindseo (fr. *bindesso, *bhndistous), or with the second vowel analogically kept *bindessa. § 58. Unstressed non-final vowels preceded by another vowel take the quality of the following consonant. Only ia before a palatal consonant is changed to ie. eg. drudd fr. *dru-vid-os, gen. sg. of drut ‘druid’ bieid ‘he will be’ fr. *bhviate. 22 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR Development of Secondary Vowels in Syncopated Syllables § 59. When the loss of a syncopated vowel leaves a liquid or nasal between consonants, a secondary vowel is developed, except when a nasal is followed by a homorganic media. eg. comalnad ‘fulfilment’ fr. *comlnad, fr. *com-ldnath 0. C. *kom-lanatus; ingantach ‘wonderful’ fr. *ingntach fr. *ingnathach O. C. *in-qgnatako-; but éendairce ‘absent’ fr. I. E. *n-hom-derki-. On the quality of these vowels, see S§ 66-71. Quality of Final Consonants preceded by an Epenthetic Vowel § 60. Final J, r, n,m, which have developed an epenthetic vowel before them (§ 50) keep the quality of the lost final vowel (§§ 47, 48, 49). Labials only are always rounded before such an epenthetic vowel. e.g. omun, omon ‘fear’ fr.O. C. *obnos; immwun, immon fr. Latin hymnus ; arathar ‘ plough’ fr. LE. *aratrom. Forms like arathair, gen. sg. of arathar owe their non-palatal con- sonant to the influence of the nominative, as the th in O. C. *aratri does not resist palatalisation. Rounded Quality of Consonants in Enclitic Syllables § 61. In syllables following the accent non-palatal or depala- talised (§ 65) labials and gutturals take w colour before un- stressed vowels, followed by palatal consonants. In the ninth century such w coloured consonants become broad. e.g. menmuin, later menmain (fr. *menmeni) dat. sg. of menmae ‘ mind.’ § 62. Non-palatal or depalatalised consonants take rounded quality before final (j)w or unstressed vowels, followed by rounded consonants. eg. dorus ‘door’ fr. *dhvorestu, ammus ‘attempt’ fr. *ad-med-tus. In this way uw quality may spread from one syllable to another. e.g. merugud ‘going astray’ fr. O. C. * mero-sagitus. PHONOLOGY 23 Labials and gutturals are depalatalised (cf. § 65 note 2). eg. -epur ‘I say’ fr. *eks-bhero. Note.—Palatalisation is often analogically reintroduced, e.g. in -epiur ‘I say’ (besides regular -epur), where the palatal quality of the pis due to the influence of other forms, like -e(2)pir ‘ he says.’ § 63. Labials and gutturals preserve their rounded colour before unstressed vowels, followed by neutral aspirated J, n, 7. e.g. mlegon ‘milking’ fr. *mlgono-; anacol ‘ protection.’ Note.—w colour is often introduced from forms, where the u was regular ; e.g. the nom. sg. mlegun (by mlegon) may owe its u to the influence of the dative mlegun (fr. *mlgondz) or the genitive mleguin (§ 61). § 64. With exception of the instances given above (§§ 61-63), and some other cases,! all non-palatal or depalatalised consonants in unstressed syllables have taken neutral colour. Note 1. Short syncopated o and o in lost final syllables act like a upon the preceding consonants (cf. § 48). Unaccented u and 0, on the one hand, and unaccented 0 and a on the other hand, have fallen together during the Old-Irish period, though traditional writing in most cases preserves the older vowel. Cf. § 57 ¢. e.g. do-tiagat ‘they come,’ arch. tu-thégot, fr. *-(s)teighont ; cinaid fr. *k*inutes, nom. pl. of cin ‘ guilt.’ On the rounded quality of consonants preceded by an epen- thetic vowel, see §§ 60, 70, 71. ‘ Note 2. Old final single r, when preceded by w, has kept w colour. e.g. swur ‘sister’ fr. *svesir, I. EH. *svesor. Depalatalisation of Consonants in Enclitic Syllables § 65. While in stressed syllables consonants followed by stressed e, 7, are regularly palatal, consonants often give up their palatal quality in unstressed syllables in order to take broad or rounded (§§ 61, 62) quality. 1 e.g. flechod ‘moisture’ fr. *vlik*o-tom, feronn (§ 57 c.2,) biror ‘ water-cress’ fr. *g’eru-ro-, irud ‘ great dread’ (§ 57, “3 ). 26 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR Quality of Consonants in Syncopated Syllables, which have developed an Epenthetic Vowel before them § 66. In unstressed syllables old or secondary consonant groups containing 7, /, n+consonant which had become syllabic after or before a syncopated vowel are liable to palatalisation before a remaining palatal vowel without regard to the quality of the syncopated vowel. e.g. do-dissilbi ‘assigns’ fr. *do-asslbi *to-ad-selvi-t; ingarnte ‘marvellousness’ fr. *ingnte, *in-gnathe, I.E. *n-gnotja; but in a stressed syllable: selbaid ‘he possesses’ fr. *selvi-tt. § 67. But if such a consonant group follows a labial, the whole group is regularly depalatalised. e.g. comard(a)e ‘sign’ fr. com+airde, O. C. *-are-vidjon. § 68. These rules (§§ 66, 67) are very often crossed by analogy. e.g. tabairte (gen. sg. of tabart ‘ giving’) fr. *to-bher-tjas, with the palatal rt restored from the dat. acc. sg. tabairt, besides the regular (§ 67) tabartae. § 69. The consonants which have been brought together by syncope with following syllabic liquids (the depalatalisation of which has been discussed in §§ 66, 67), are palatal or non- palatal according to the quality of the syncopated vowel. Only labials are regularly depalatalised. e.g. do-aissilbi (with palatal ss), tabartae (with broad 6). The broad n in sonairte is due to the influence of sonairt. Cf § 65, 4. § 70. Consonants followed by an epenthetic vowel are rounded without regard to the quality of the syncopated vowel if the next syllable begins or began with a rounded consonant. Cf. § 62. eg. cethorcha ‘forty, older *cethorcho, fr. *cethrcho, LE. *k*etru-komet-s. But sometimes neutral colour is found, especially when the following consonant had become broad, e.g. ecolso, later ecalsa, gen. sg. of eclais ‘church.’ § 71. Labials have in most cases neutral colour before a syllabic J, v, m without regard to the quality of the syncopated PHONOLOGY 27 vowel. There are, however, still traces of an older rounded quality. e.g. -comollnither (fr. *com-lan...... ) ‘be it fulfilled’ beside -comalnither. Voicing of Spirants in Unstressed Syllables § 72. The dental spirant th is voiced (a) in the interior of a word if flanked by vowels and separated from the stressed syllable by at least two unstressed syllables. e.g. sonartaidir compar. of equality of sonairt ‘strong’; but lérithir compar. of equality of léir ‘diligent.’ (Old suffix *-tris.) (5) if final and unstressed. e.g. peccad ‘sin’ fr. Latin peccatwm. § 73. The spirant ch is voiced only if palatal or rounded. (a) regularly in the interior of a word, if flanked by vowels. e.g. dtlugud ‘giving thanks, verb-noun of atluchur. (b) if final and unstressed. e.g. tossug dat. sg. of tossach ‘beginning’; tegl(a)ig gen. sg of teglach ‘ family.’ § 74. Vowel-flanked or final f in unstressed syllables is regularly voiced (written b). e.g. felsub fr. Latin philosophus. Note.—Final f appears also in stressed syllables as 0 e.g. sib ‘you ir. *stf, O. C. *svisvi. Unvoicing of Final Aspirated g § 75. Final aspirated non-palatal g is regularly unvoiced in stressed and unstressed syllables. e.g. tech ‘house’ fr. *(s)tegos; teglach ‘family’ fr. *(s)tego- slougom. The voiced spirant is often analogically restored, e.g. in mag ‘field’ through influence of the genitive maige. De-aspiration of Final Consonants § 76. In words of more than one syllable final J, » in 28 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR unstressed syllables are de-aspirated (e.g. they become ll, nn), if the same syllable begins with 7, J or n. e.g. Conall fr. O. C. *kuno-valos, vmbliu ‘navel, gen. imblenn. (O. C. Ending *-jon-os.) Working of the Accent in Proclitic Syllables § 77. In proclitic groups of three or more syllables, the vowel of the second (and fourth) syllable is often thrown out. eg. nirbo (=nt robo) fir ‘it was not true’; mainbed (fr. mani bed) marth ‘if it would not be good.’ Note.—In words beginning with a vowel the initial vowel is sometimes elided ; so the article inna appears occasionally as Ni. § 78. In proclitic monosyllables the final vowel is often elided in hiatus. Final m, n remain as n, stops+s remain as s(s). e.g. tesséirge (=to esséirge) ‘thy resurrection.’ § 79. Initial s and post-vocalic th are dropped. eg. ama(r)l ‘as, dat. sg. of sumal ‘likeness’ used as a con- junction ; fra ‘towards’ fr. frith, *vrt. § 80. Initial ¢ becomes voiced. e.g. do thech ‘thy house’ (but tesséirge); dar a chenn ‘for him’ (but torunn ‘for us’). § 81. All consonants have a tendency to become broad. e.g. ad-, ar-, pretonic forms of the prepositions aith-, dir-; ind (instead of *iwnd) dat. sg. masc. and neutr. of the article, fr. *sin+dzu (fr. *t02). Exception 1. Initial consonants keep their quality in proclitic monosyllables ending in a vowel before a connected proclitic word beginning with a vowel. In this case final e is changed to 7; final o is changed to w. e.g. lia ‘ with his’ (fr. le+a); fua (analogically foa) ‘under his.’ Exception 2. In proclitic words of two syllables the initial consonants of the first or second syllables may under certain PHONOLOGY 31 § 86. Unvoicing of consonants. (a) When a voiced (aspirated or unaspirated) consonant comes by syncope next to a homorganic, unvoiced (aspirated or unaspirated) consonant, the result is an unvoiced, unaspirated (§ 84) consonant. e.g. adglditer ‘thou addressest’ (fr. O. C. ad-glade-tés +7) ; trécaire ‘mercy’ (fr. *trdg-chaire, I.E. *treugho-karija). (6) Aspirated d is unvoiced and deaspirated (§ 84) before or after s. Thesound of this unvoiced d (written ¢) does not exactly correspond to the sound of the O. Ir. tenuis ¢, as the former is pronounced with much less expiratory breathing. e.g. ad-swidi ‘he keeps back,’ but né astaz (fr. *-ad-sodit) ‘he does not keep back.’ (c) Voiced spirants, when coming by syncope next to other (not homorganic) unvoiced consonants, have a general tendency to become voiceless in accordance with the following consonant. But as this tendency is very often crossed by analogy, we find d and th, g and ch, b and ph (f) written side by side in the same word. e.g. adaig (g from *ch, § 73 b) ‘night, gen. sg. aithche or aidche (the d through influence of the nominative). (ad) Voiced spirants (§ 2) are unvoiced even if preceded by another unvoiced unaspirated consonant, though by analogy the voiced spirant has been restored almost in every case. e.g. macthe ‘childish, though the suffix is -de fr. *-adjo-. § 87. Assimilation in consonant groups resulting from syncope. (a) On the assimilation of homorganic consonants, see § 84 a and 86 a. (b) Aspirated d and th have been assimilated to a following ch, though only sporadically. eg. suaichnid ‘well known’ fr. *su-aith-chnid, IE. *su + ate-Gné-ti-. § 88. Influence of aspirated s. (a) In the interior of simple words aspirated s (=/) vanishes without leaving any trace. 32 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR e.g. t(a)ige nom. plur. of tech ‘ house’ fr. *(s)tegesa. (6) In some compounds aspirated and (originally) vowel- flanked s unvoices every consonant with which it is brought together by syncope, while in other compounds it is treated as in the interior of simple words. e.g. impu ‘about them’ fr. *mbhi+sons. Cf. § 65, note 2. Note.—As proclitic words are treated together with the follow- ing accented word like one word, an s that thus gets into an intervocalic position is aspirated and treated like s in certain compounds. e.g. intathir ‘the father’ fr. *sind(o)sathir ; intsillab ‘the syllable’ fr. *s¢nd(a)szllaba. Unvoicing of Initial Aspirated § 89. Initial aspirated b has a tendency to become f, not only at the beginning of a stressed or proclitic word but also occa- sionally (the conditions are not quite clear) at the beginning of a syllable. Much disturbance has been caused by analogy. e.g. findfadach ‘happy’ fr. find + bethach. Double Consonants 90. All intervocalic single consonants have become aspirated. Therefore all unaspirated intervocalic consonants must have been originally double consonants. Such double consonants may originate from the assimilation of homorganic or non-hom- organic consonants. (Cf. §§ 84, 86 and 91 ff.) Hence the ortho- graphical peculiarities mentioned in § 1, 1, 3, and 4, Even during the O. Ir. period the double stops and double s, m were reduced to single consonants, though the orthography preserves mostly the older state of things. In consonant-groups the scribes prefer to write single consonants. Note.— Unaspirated consonants, even where not resulting from a double consonant, were very similar in sound to double consonants ; their pronunciation was not only stronger but also more prolonged than that of the aspirated consonants. Hence they are frequently doubled in writing. PHONOLOGY 33 The custom of writing p, ¢, c for the unaspirated media is taken over from the British Celts. e.g. ardd, art, ard ‘high’ fr. *ardvo-, I.E. *7dhwo-; cf. further § 1, 2. Genealogical History of Old Consonants and Consonant- Groups not resulting from Syncope § 91. Initial and intervocalic Indo-European p and ph? dis- appear in O. Ir. But opm appears in O. Ir. as wan, ps as ss, pt as cht. e.g. al ‘much’ (n.) fr. *pelu, Got. filu. té ‘hot’ fr. *tepens, Lat. tepens. sian ‘sleep’ fr. *sopnos, Welsh hun, Lat. somnus. cacht ‘ bondmaid’ fr. *kapta, Welsh caeth, Lat. capta. § 92. I.E.b and bh! become b (see §§ 7, 86, 88, 89) in O. Ir. bn becomes mn, bt is treated like LE. pt. bn immediately followed by the I.E. accent becomes p (bb). e.g. cob ‘ victory’ fr. *kobo-, O. Norse happ. domun ‘ world’ fr. *dubnos, Lith. dignas. drucht ‘ dew’ fr. *drub-tus, cf. Engl. ‘drip, drop.’ gop ‘ beak’ fr. *gob-nds; cf. O. Slav. zobati ‘to eat.’ Cf. further §§ 5, 7, 84-89. § 93. LE. ¢, th appear in O. Ir. as t (see §§ 7, 72, 79, 80, 85). tb becomes p (bb). On tl, tn, tr, see § 109. tm immediately followed by the I.E. accent becomes ¢(¢). ¢-¢ in the interior of a word is treated like st, in late compounds it becomes ((¢). e.g. roth ‘ wheel’ fr. *rotos, Welsh rhod; cf. Lat rota. jrepaid ‘healing’ fr. *vrt-bhutar (frith-buith), dat. sg. of frepard. dit(t) ‘ place’ fr. *pothni-; cf. Skr. pathas ‘ place.’ indrisse ‘invaded’ fr. *-ret-tio-, past participle of vethid ‘runs.’ frit(tobart ‘opposition’ fr. *vrt-to-bherta; cf. berid ‘carries,’ te becomes c(c), ty becomes c (gq). e.g. frec(c)or ‘cultivation’ fr. *vrt-korom ( frith-cor). 1 J.E. ph, bh, th, etc. are not spirants, but stops + voiceless breathing h. \ a re |LIBRARY | 6 36 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR 8; spr becomes sr; spl becomes sl; skn becomes sn; sv be- comes s. e.g. sen ‘old’ fr. *seno-, Welsh hen ; cf. Lat. senex. sctath ‘shield’ fr. *skeitos, Welsh ysgwyd; cf. Lat. scutum, fr. *skoitom. smir ‘marrow’ fr. *smeru-, Welsh mer; Old High German smero ‘ grease.’ Cf. further sliah (§ 147), slond (§ 116, 3), siwr (§ 7). Aspirated initial sp, sv become f (b, § 85); aspirated initial s(p)l, s(k)n, sr become voiceless ll, nn, rr, also written él, sn, 87”. e.g. mo fiur ‘my sister’ fr. *svesor; fuilliweht ‘footprint’ fr. fo+sliucht. Initial st(k) becomes s;! initial str becomes sr; initial sél becomes sl. e.g, sellaim ‘I gaze’ fr. *stilpndmi, Welsh syllaf; cf. Greek orinrvos ‘shining.’ srath ‘valley’ fr. *strato-, Welsh ystrad; cf. Lat. stratus. Intervocalic s becomes h and falls out (§ 88). In the interior of a word st becomes ss, str remains, stn becomes sn. e.g. ross ‘promontory’ fr. *pro-sth-om; cf. Skr. prastha-s ‘plateau.’ lestar ‘vessel’ fr. *les-trom, Welsh llestr. In the interior of a word suv becomes f (b § 74); sk (sk, skh, etc.) remains; sm, sn, become mm, nn. e.g. sephainn, third sg. perf. of sennid ‘ plays,’ fr. *sesvone. (The nn in sennid ‘plays’ is due to the influence of sennid pursues, § 85). am(m) (cf. § 81),‘I am’ fr. *esm, Greek ecyi. bronn (gen. sg. of bri ‘belly’) fr. *bhrusnos; nom. sg. fr. *bhruso; ef. Engl. breast. sesc ‘barren’ fr. *sisk-vo-, Welsh hysp; cf. Zend hisku- ‘dry.’ In the interior of a word s(¢)l (also s(¢)l from d-tl, § 93) becomes 1 Even in I.E. times initial st and ¢ freely interchanged in the same root, hence -tiag ‘I go’ from the same root (*(s)teigh-) as Greek oreixw. PHONOLOGY 37 Uu. sr after short vowels becomes rr, after long vowels probably y,in composition rr. e.g. giall ‘hostage’ fr. *gheid-tlo-, Welsh gwystl; cf. Lithu- anian geidzit ‘I ask.’ coll ‘hazel’ fr. *koslos, Welsh coll; cf. Engl. ‘hazel.’ cir ‘comb’ fr. *késro-; cf. Old Slavonic cesaty ‘to comb.’ dirruidiguth ‘derivation’=di+sruithigud, fr. sruth ‘river.’ § 99. LE. voiced s (=z) appears only before the medial explosives. 2g and zb become de (dgg), db (dbb) with aspir- ated d; zd becomes ¢ (dd). e.g. medg ‘ whey’ fr. *mizga, Welsh maidd; cf. Greek picya. gat ‘withe’ fr. *ghazdha, Lat. hasta. § 100. I.E. ‘spirantic’ th (=p) appears after k, h, ke, k’h as t (tenuis), after gh, gh, etc., as d (media). e.g. art ‘bear’ fr.- *rkpos, Lat. wrsus, Greek apxtos. in-dé ‘ yesterday’ fr. *-ghpjes, Welsh doe, Greek y@és. ~ §101. LE. 2 appears in O. Ir. as 1 (Il § 76). e.g. aile ‘another’ fr. *aljos, Welsh ail, Lat. alvus. In, ls (also lpn §98a) becomes UU. e.g. ad-ella ‘visits’ fr. *-el-nd-t; cf. Greek <Adw, all ‘rock’ fr. *palsos, older *plsos; cf. O. Norse fjall ‘mountain.’ § 102. I.E. v appears as r. e.g. biwr ‘spear’ fr. *g’erw, Welsh ber, Lat. veru. rs, rp, rgs, rds become rr, probably also rks and rts. e.g. as-orr ‘ that I should strike’ fr. *eks-drg-s-o. carr ‘chariot’ fr. *krso-, Welsh car; cf. Engl. horse. rgt, rkt, rgst, rkst, rst become rt(t); rsk (rdsk, rtsk) becomes re(c). e.g. as-ort ‘he slew’ fr. *ef's-drg-t. tart ‘thirst’ fr. *tarsto- older *trsto-; ef. Engl. ‘ tharst.’ § 103. IE. m appears as m; final m had already become n in Gaulish. eg. muir ‘sea’ fr. *mori; Lat. mare. 38 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR nert n-athar ‘strength of the father’ fr. *nerton atros, LE. *nertom patros. mb (cf. § 96) is mostly preserved in accented syllables except before consonants ; otherwise it has become m(m); mbr (mbl 2) becomes br (61 ?). e.g. imb-radud ‘meditation,’ more commonly im-rddud, fr. *ymbi-raditus, *ibhi-rodhitus. cobraith ‘help’ fr. *combrith, *kom-bhrtis. md becomes nd, mv becomes v, and is treated like that (§ 112). In later compounds mv becomes aspirated 6. e.g. condelgg ‘ counsel’ =com-+delg. do-cdid ‘he went’ fr. *-om-vadh-e. cubus ‘conscience’ fr. *kom-vid-tus. On mt, mk, see § 108. § 104. T. IL. m appears as (nn, § 76). notb ‘holy’ fr. *noibo-, O. Persian naiba ‘good.’ nb becomes mb, nl becomes ll; nr becomes rr. e.g. amb ‘butter’ (cf. § 96). ellam ‘ready’ (en-lam); cf. adblam (ad-fo-lam). nd is mostly preserved in accented syllables except before con- sonants; in proclitic words it becomes regularly nn. e.g. find ‘white’ fr. *vindo-, Welsh gwynn. wna nom. pl. fem. of the article, fr. *sin + das (LE. tas), ndn, nin, ngn, nkn become nn, eg. ad-grennam ‘we pursue’ fr. *-ghrendh-na-mos. -srennid ‘you snore’ fr. *srenk-na-te; cf. Greek péyco. On ns, nt, nk, nkt, see §§ 107, 108. Sonants § 105. LE. v1 before vowels and j, v appear as ar al. eg. marb ‘dead’ fr. *mrvo-, Welsh marw; cf. Lat. mortuus, talam ‘earth’ fr. *tlamo. Before stops and liquids r, / appear as 17, li (re, le, § 118); before kp (§ 100), p, s (or s+consonant) as ar, al; before sn as ra, la. e.g. breth ‘carrying’ fr. *britd, older *bhrta. all ‘rock’ fr. *plsos (ef. § 101). flann ‘bloody, red’ fr. *vlsno-, Lat. vulnus ‘ wound,’ PHONOLOGY 41 Note.—Certain instances of compensatory lengthening before m are very scanty and occur only in the case of gutturals. e.g. fo-émid ‘he is unable’ fr. O.C. *-ek(s)-med--t; cf. Welsh meddu ‘to be able.’ (ksm has very early become km.) Loss of Consonants by Haplology § 110. In words of more than two syllables an intervocalic consonant may be thrown out when followed by the same con- sonant. When the last consonant stood between o and e, 2, the diphthong ot was produced. e.g. for-rotchain ‘he has taught’ fr. O. C. -*rd-ke-kan-e, pres. for-cain ‘ teaches.’ cotm(m)thecht ‘accompaniment’ (com-imm-thecht). Note.—In words like fott ‘mission’ instead of *foldiuth (ending *-dtus) both dentals have coalesced, while the vowel of the second syllable has been thrown out. The ¢ represents the voice- less stop (§ 1, 4), just as in -tuit (§ 210, note 3). Cf. § 86. This treatment seems to be confined to dentals. Semi-Vowels § 111. LE. j disappears in O. Ir. eg. ddc ‘young’ fr. *jounko-, LE. *jevn-ko, Welsh ieuane ; cf. Lat. juvencus, Engl. young. -tdu ‘I am’ fr. *(s)tha-jo; cf. Lat. stare ‘to stand.’ When immediately preceded by w, v, or a consonant? it had de- veloped an 7 before it. Hence unstressed syllables preceded by a post-vocalic consonant (or uv, v)+) are never entirely thrown out. e.g. coire ‘cauldron’ fr. *k'arijos, LE. *k’rjos, Welsh pair; ef. Skr. cari-s. On j in final syllables, cf. § 46. § 112. v is thus dealt with: 1. Initial v appears as f. e.g. fid ‘tree’ fr. *vidus, Welsh gwydd,O. HighGerman witu. 2. Post-consonantal v disappears except after aspirated d, l, n,r (not followed byw in O.Ir.), where it is written b(pronounced v). og. ardd ‘high’ (with unaspirated d), fr. *7dhvo- cf. § 105, but fedb ‘widow’ (with aspirated d) fr. *vidhva, Welsh gweddw ; cf. Engl. widow. 1 Bat not after a single initial consonant (cf. -dé, § 100, fr. O. C. *-djes). 42 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR On mv, see § 103. On sv, see § 98. On d(h)v, see § 94. 3. As regards intervocalic v (also when from mv, § 103) pre- ceded by a stressed vowel, the treatment varies according to the quality of the surrounding vowels. We must distinguish between (a) v before a final palatal vowel, with which it had coalesced before the loss of final syllables, (f) v before a lost & or o in final syllables, (y) v before a lost @ (also % from 4, § 118) in final syllables, (5) v in the interior of dissyllabic words (after the loss of final syllables), (<) vin the interior of words of more than two syllables (after the loss of final syllables). a. av (av) appears (a) as of. e.g. ad-dot ‘kindles’ fr. *ad-dav-et, cf. Greek daiw; Skr. dava-s ‘ fire.’ (8) and (vy) as dw, later do, 6. e.g. gau, gdo, gd ‘lie’ fr. *ghava ; cf. Greek yadvos. (5) probably regularly as 6 (older du, eg. due ‘descen- dant,’ later d(a)e, v(a)e); in later O. Ir. this 6 becomes & before preserved final vowels (§§ 44-46). e.g. con-dith ‘you preserve’ fr. *-ave-te, cf. Skr. avati ‘ protects.’ god, later gid, fr. *ghavas, acc. pl. of gdw. (On the quality of the following vowels, see §§ 44-46, 58.) (ce) before o as %. eg. gu- fr. *ghavo-, compositional form of gdu (in gi- brithemnacht ‘false judgment,’ etc.). b. av (fr. I.E. dv or dv) appears (a) as of, e.g. not, fr. *navi, LE. *ndvai, dat. sg. of ndw ‘ship’; (8) as du (later d), e.g. gno (older *gndw) ‘beautiful, active,’ fr. *¢ndvo-; cf. Lat. (g)navus. (y) as 6 (older dw). ? On the development in proclitic words see § 81, exception 3. In enclitic final position d+v +4, 6, % become w. e.g. mmurgu ‘however’ =imm+7ro0+gdu (I.E. *ghavd). PHONOLOGY 43 e.g. gné (older gnow), dat. sg. mase. of gnéd (fr. *gndvi, LE. *¢ndavor) ; (5) as ¢. eg. néé fr. *navjas, gen. sg. of nau. c. ev very early became ov and was treated like that. d. év very early became tv and was treated like that. e. After O. Iv. é, 4a (fr. I.E. é) v disappears without leaving any trace. e.g. dé fr. *dewvi, gen. sg. of dia ‘god,’ dia fr. *deivos, Lat. divus, Skr. dévas. f. I. E. wv appears (a) as 4. e.g. bi fr. *g’vi, gen. sg. of béo ‘alive.’ (8) as éu, éo. eg. béu, béo fr. *bevos, I.E. *g’ivos, Welsh byw; cf. Lat, VvUs. (y) as iu. eg. biw fr. *bivii, LE. *g’vd0, dat. sg. of béo. (5) as 2. e.g. fius‘I shall fight’ fr. *vi-vik-s-d, Ist sg. fut. of fichid ; ef. Lat. vincere, O. High German wihan. (On the quality of the following vowels see §§ 44-46, 58.) (e) before @, 6 as e, before @, 7%, % as 7. e.g. bethu ‘life’ fr. *bevotis, I.E. *g’ivo-tat-s, Welsh bywyd. g. After O. Ir. ¢ (fr. I.E. @, 7) v disappears without leaving any trace. e.g. lt ‘colour’ fr. *livis, Welsh lliw; cf. Gaulish Livius. h. ov and ev appear. (a) as oi. e.g. ot ‘sheep,’ fr. *ovis, Lat. ovis. (8) as 6. e.g. bd fr. *g’ovos, gen. sg. of bd ‘ cow.’ (y) as UW. (8) before , 0, e as 0, before @, 7, % as %. e.g. do-cdid ‘he went’ fr. *-cdvade, I.E. *fom-vadh-e; pres. -dichet ‘he can go.’ Cf. rule 4 below. niué ‘new’ fr. *nevijo-, Welsh newydd; cf. Lat. novus. 46 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR j, provided they were preceded by voiceless ¢(t), s(s), th, ch or by a group of two or more consonants, with exception of ng mb, nd and perhaps some other groups. (But cf. §§ 107-109.) e.g. eich fr. *ekvi, gen. sg. of ech ‘horse.’ mescae‘drunkenness fr.*medh-sk(i)jd; cf. Greek weBvcKo; serbu (comparative of serb ‘ bitter, Welsh chwerw; ef. Greek epos) fr. *servjuis, LE. *kservjos. 2. as é. a. in the case mentioned in § 54. b. when the e was originally followed by o or a@ coloured consonants which caused compensatory lengthening of a pre- ceding vowel (§§ 107-109). e.g. trén ‘strong’ fr. *treg-no-; cf. O. Norse prek ‘strength’; sét ‘way’ fr. *sentus, Welsh hynt, O. High German sind ‘journey.’ (On éu, é0, tu, see rule 4 below.) 3. as 1. a. in hiatus (resulting from the loss of vowel-flanked p, j, 8), before all vowels, except before e. e.g. tach (gen. sg. of éo, ‘salmon’) fr. *éoch, O. C. *esok-os, Welsh eog. Note.—LEvery ¢ in hiatus before a non-palatal vowel had become (?)j in unstressed syllables. See nime below. b. when the following syllable contained Pr. Ir. ¢, j, & (also when from 6), w or e in hiatus, provided these were preceded by single consonants (except voiceless ¢(t), s(s), th, ch), or the groups nd, mb, ng. e.g. mid ‘mead’ fr. *medhu, Welsh medd, Greek wéOv, Skr. mddhu. mime (gen. sg. of nem ‘ heaven’) fr. *nemjos, *nemeos, LE. *nemesos. siniu ‘older’ fr. *senjés, Lat. senior. e. when the following syllable contained e preceded by ng. e.g. cingid ‘steps,’ fr. *khengets, cf. O. High German hinkan ‘to limp.’ 4. as éo, éu, dw, when short e was originally followed by con- sonants, the dropping of which has been discussed in § 109. But PHONOLOGY 47 the diphthong only appears in final syllables or in stressed non- final syllables before palatal or u-coloured consonants. e.g. tréwin, triwin fr. *treg-ni; gen. sg. masce. of trén ‘ strong.’ The wu (0) is a survival of the lost consonant. cenéul, centul fr. *kenetlor, dat. sg. of cenél ‘ race.’ (On this u, see § 49 exception.) 5. as a, under conditions which are not quite clear. It seems that the change took place only after certain consonants before a palatal g. e.g. taig fr. *(s)teges, dat. sg. of tech ‘house.’ graig ‘herd’ fr. an oblique case of Lat. grea, gen. gregis. But lige ‘bed’ fr. *leghjom. 6. On ev, see § 112, 3c. § 115. LE. ¢ (also 4 which has been developed in Celtic from I. E. 7, 1, m, n, §§ 105, 106). appears 1. as 2. a. in old monosyllables where the final consonants have not been lost (§ 43). b. when the following syllable contained Pr. Ir. e, ¢, or % (also a from 6), %, 7 (but ef. §§ 107-109). e.g. ith‘ corn’ fr. *pitus, Welsh yd, Skr. pitd-s ‘nourishment.’ jor fr. *vire, voc. sg. of fer ‘man.’ ce. when the following syllable contained Pr. Iv. @, a, 07, 0, or 6, provided these vowels were preceded by the consonant group nd or n+stop+n. eg. find ‘white’ fr. *vindo-, *vinda, Welsh gwynn, fem. gwenn, Greek ivdadXouas ‘I appear.’ ro-finnadar ‘he knows’ fr. O. C. *-vind-na-tro. d. in hiatus in dissyllabic words. eg. sciad (gen. pl. of scé ‘hawthorn’ fr. *sk’ijat-s) fr. *sk’ijatom, Welsh ysbyddad; ef. Lith. skuja ‘pointed leaf.’ 2. as e. a. when the following syllable contained d, a1, 01,1 0 or 6 which had not become @, except when these vowels were preceded by nd or n+stop+n. e.g. fedo (gen. sg. of fid ‘tree’ fr. vidus) fr.* vidos, I.E. *vidous. 1 But ef. § 122, note. 48 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR fer ‘man’ fr, *viros, Welsh gwr, Lat. vir. 3. as é. a. when e which had been developed from 7 according to the rule given above (2. a) came into final position (ef. § 54.) e.g. clé ‘left’ fr. *hlijo-, klija-, Welsh cledd, Lat. clivius ‘unlucky.’ b. when (stressed or unstressed) e which had been developed from 7% was originally followed by consonants causing com- pensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-109). e.g. curién ‘whelp’ fr. *kulegno, *kulignos, LE. *kolignos, Welsh colwyn. 4. as 4. a. when the 2 which had not been changed to e (see above, 2 a) was originally followed by consonants which cause compen- satory lengthening of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-109), except in the case mentioned in rule 5 below. eg. richtu ‘reaching’; see § 108. b. in the case mentioned in § 54. 5. as tu, éo, éu. when the 7 which had not been changed to e, was originally followed by consonants, the dropping of which has been dis- cussed in § 111. The diphthong only appears in final syllables or in stressed non-final syllables before palatal or w-coloured consonants. e.g. curltuen (nom. pl. of cwilén, 3 b) fr. *kuligni, *koligni, LE. *kolagnov. 6. as u. when originally preceded by kr- and followed by a palatal or w coloured consonant. eg. cruim ‘worm’ fr. *k*rimis, LE. *k’rmis, Welsh pryf, Skr. krmi-s. cruth ‘shape, manner’ fr. *kritus, LE. *k’rtus, Welsh pryd; cf. Skr. sa-krt ‘ once.’ 7. on iv, see § 112, 3f. § 116. I.E. o appears. 1. as 0. - a, in old monosyllables where the final consonants have not been lost (§ 43.) PHONOLOGY 51 sonants which cause compensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-109). eg. Croniin (gen. sg. of Créndén fr. *Cronugnos) fr. *Cronugni (proper name); the O. C. form is uncertain; cf. erén ‘yellow, swarthy’; 3. as 0 when the following syllable contained Pr. Ir. d, ai, 013 0 or 6 which had not become %@. e.g. cloth ‘fame’ fr. *lutom, Greek «rurdv; cf. Welsh clod fr. *kluta. both ‘hut’ fr. *bhuta, Welsh bod; cf. Lith. bxtas. &. as 6, (which became va during the course of the O. Ir. period except in final position and some other instances). a. when the o which had been developed from w according to the rule given above (3.) came into final position, b. when o, which had been developed from w was originally followed by consonants, which cause compensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-109). e.g. brén ‘sorrow’ fr. *bhrugh-nos, Welsh brwyn; cf. Greek 8pvye ‘gnash the teeth.’ ctialae ‘he heard, arch. cole, fr. *wklove, Mid. Welsh cigleu ; 3 sg. perf. of ro-cluinethar ‘hears’; cf. Greek xrXvo. Note.—Before intervocalic p I.E. wu has fallen together with v; hence *upo gives O. C. *vo, O. Ir. fo ‘under.’ Long Vowels § 118. IE. @ and 6 appear both as @. (a and 6 were short- ened? before final m, 7 and m, n+consonant and treated like old a and o.) e.g. faith ‘ poet’ fr. *vatis, cf. Welsh gwawd ‘song of praise, Lat. vates ‘ prophet.’ gnith ‘usual’ fr. *gndto-, Welsh gnawd, Lat. (g)notus, Greek yvaros. méit ‘size, Welsh maint, fr. *manti, LE. *ma-ntt; the same root in mdr ‘great, Welsh . mawr, fr. *ma-ro-. Final stressed 6, and 6 in unstressed final syllables (except 1 But cf. § 122 note. 2 See footnote on next page. 52 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR before m, n, § 45, exception, and when proclitic, p. 60 footnote) have become %. eg. cv ‘dog’ fr. kvd, Welsh ci; Skr. sud. firw (ace. pl. of fer man’) fr. *virdns; voe. pl. firw fr. *yiros. (On dv, dv, see § 112, 3b.) § 119. LE. @ and @ appear both as 7. (@ and é were short- ened! before final m,n and m,-+consonant and treated like old e and 7.) e.g. lin ‘number’ fr. *plénw; ef. Lat. plénus ‘full’ rim ‘number’ fr. *rimda, Welsh rhif, O. Engl. rim. In final unstressed syllables 2 seems to have been preserved as e. e.g. comaln(a)ithe (-de, § 72) ‘fulfil’ fr. O. C. *kom-land-tés; 2 sg. imper. of comaln(a)ithir ‘ fulfils.’ (On LE. év, iv, see § 112, 34, ¢.) § 120. LE. & appears as @. eg. ruin ‘secret’ fr. * rund, Welsh rhin, O. Engl. run. Short Diphthongs § 121. w diphthongs. LE. au, aw, ew, ow appear as 6. In the course of the O. Ir. period this 6 gradually becomes via (save before u?). Cf. § 116, 2. e.g. ldg, luiach ‘price’ fr. *lau-gom; ef. Gothic lawn. tiath ‘people’ fr. *teutad, Welsh tud, Goth. biuda. riad ‘red’ fr. *roudho-, Welsh rhudd, Lat. riifus, Lith. rawda ‘red colour.’ Note 1.—In hiatus (produced by the loss of intervocalic g, s, J) O.C. au eu ou are treated like av-, ev-, ov-. (Cf. § 112.) e.g. du, 6 ‘ear’ fr. avos, *ausos; cf. Lat. auris, Goth. aus6; dat. sg. of, de fr. *aves. *auses. Note 2.—Final stressed aw is preserved in O. Ir. as du, later do, 6. Note 3.—Final unstressed -ew, -ow had early become 6 and acted like o upon the preceding consonants. (On proclitic w- diphthongs see § 83.) 1 The shortening of long vowels before liquid + consonants must be later than the loss of nasals before s (§ 107). Hence acc. pl. firw fr. *viriis, older *wirds, I.E. *viréns. A form *virons would have given O. Ir. *fero; cf. *sechtmogo ‘70’ fr. *septmmo-komt-s. PHONOLOGY 53 -eus, -ous had become és and are preserved in O. Ir. as -o, later -a. e.g. betho (gen. sg. of bith ‘ world’), fr. *g°ttous. § 122. i diphthongs. LE. at, at appears as at (de). e.g. cdech ‘one-eyed’ fr. *kaiko-, Welsh coeg ‘empty,’ Lat. caecus ‘ blind.’ I.E. 01 appears as ot (de). e.g. oin, den ‘one’ fr. *oino-, Welsh un, O. Lat. oinos, Goth. ans. Even during the O. Ir. period aé (de) and of (de) have fallen together in some instances. e.g. main beside moin ‘treasure’ fr. *moinis; cf. Lat. minus, Goth. ga-mains ‘ common.’ I.E. ev appears before palatal consonants and in hiatus as é, before non-palatal consonants as 4a (arch. éa, é). e.g. sctath ‘shield, see § 98; gen. sg. scéith fr. *skeitt. The treatment of final e7 varies, e.g. cla ‘who?’ fr. *k’ed, but -té (3 sg. pres. subj. of -tiag, *(s)teighd ‘I go’) fr. *_(s)teigh-s-t. Note.—Unstressed final -ai, -oi act like 7 upon the preceding con- sonants. (On proclitic 7- diphthongs see § 83.) e.g. fir ‘men’ fr. Pr. Ir. *virz, older *virot. (On a, é, o before liquid + consonant, see §§ 101-104, 107, 108.) Long Diphthongs § 123. In most cases long dipthongs have been shortened very early and are treated like the corresponding short diphthongs. eg. tuaith (dat. sg. of tuath ‘ people’) fr. *teutai, older *teutar; sta ‘longer’ (compar. of sir ‘long’ fr. *sé-ro-), fr. *seis, older *séis (stem sé+compar. ending -%s), Welsh hwy, cf. Lat. sérus ‘late.’ Note 1.—This shortening is later than the change of 6 to @ or @. e.g. fiur (dat. sg. of fer ‘man’) fr. *vira, *virii, *vire (cf. § 124.) Note 2.—In final stressed position du, du become du (later do, 6); éu becomes fu ; di, i become at. Zi is always treated like ei. e.g. dau ‘two,’ fr. *dvdu, Welsh dau, Skr. dvdu. 56 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR e.g. friu ‘towards them’ (beside regular friw) by influence of frie ‘towards her,’ etc. Note 2.— Vowels which cannot be contracted in stressed dissyllabic words may coalesce in proclitic words. e.g. dia chorpdn ‘to his body’ (Fél.). 4. In old genuine compounds the final vowel ofa prefix has been thrown out before an immediately following vowel (or » + vowel), e.g. star (so-tar § 126, 2) ‘to the west’; tadall (*to-ad-elnom) ‘ visit.’ : In late formations contraction may take place, cf. § 126 note 3. Vowel Gradation or Ablaut § 127. LE. roots containing e (¢7, ew), or & (di, Gw), é (&, eu), 0 (61, 6w) show several grades of vowels. The vowels and diph- thongs mentioned represent the chief instances of the so-called normal vowel grade. e.g. seiss, ‘he will sit’ fr. *sed-s-tt mel(a)im ‘I grind’ fr. *mel-6-mi ; -tiag ‘I go’ fr. *(s)teigh-6 ; -tdu ‘IT am’ fr. *(s)tha-70 ; stl ‘seed’ fr, *sé-lo-m ; dan ‘ gift’ fr. *dod-nw-s. § 128. In I.E. unstressed syllables the root vowels take the reduced vowel grade. There are several grades of reduction ; the most common reductions are the following: e is thrown out (hence ez and ew become i, w; er, el, em, en become 7, 1, m, n), while d, €, 6 arereduced toa. This a may be still further reduced to zero. (Long diphthongs show likewise several grades of reduc- tion; a well-known change is that of the long ¢ diphthongs to 7, 7 and of the long w diphthongs to @, 2.) e.g. net ‘nest’ fr. *ni-zd-os, older *ni-sd-os; cf. seiss, § 127 (normal vowel grade). mlith ‘grinding’ fr. *ml-tis; cf. melim § 127 (normal grade). techt ‘going’ fr. *(s)tigh-ta ; ef. -t¢ag § 127 (normal grade). 1 Other grades of reduction are denoted by 7, 1, m, 7%, but there is much con- troversy about these sounds. Cf. § 105 (p/nos) and the following note. 1,1, m, 2 before vowels (e.g. tlamo, § 105) are sometimes written 717, J/, ete. PHONOLOGY 57 ross‘ promontory’ fr. *pro-sth-om: cf. -tdw § 127 (normal grade). saithe ‘swarm’ fr. *sa-tjos; cf. sil § 127 (normal grade). cul ‘back’ fr. *kil-os; cf. Greek «7A fr. *kaul-& (normal grade). § 129. Under certain conditions which are hard to define, the normal vowel grade is changed to the deflected vowel grade, that is, e (et, ew) becomes o (07, ow), while é and @ become 0. eg. swide ‘seat’ fr. *sod-jom; cf. seiss § 127. mol ‘mill-shaft’ fr. *mol-os; cf. melom § 127. motdid ‘boasts’ fr. *moid-iti; cf. mtad ‘honour’ fr. *meido- (normal grade). Greek addéwea ‘I have sent away’ fr. *am-€wxa=-*se- so-ka; cf. sil, § 127 (normal grade). § 130. From @ (normal grade): 6 (deflected grade) must be distinguished the so-called lengthened vowel grade é: 6 which appears in syllables whose normal vowel is e. eg. the suffix ter (lengthened normal grade) in athir ‘father’ fr. *pa-ter :tor (lengthened deflected grade) in Greek a-vatwp ‘fatherless’ fr. *-pa-tor; cf. the normal grade ter in ace. pl. aithrea fr. *pa-ter-ns. sid ‘peace’ fr. *séd-os (lengthened normal grade) :sdidid ‘fixes’ fr. *sod-iti, O. Slav. saditi ‘to plant’ (lengthened deflected grade); cf. seiss § 127 (normal grade), swide § 129 (short deflected grade), § 131. In LE. dissyllabic roots the vowel gradations are limited by the rule that at least one of the root-syllables must appear in the reduced vowel grade, though it is possible that both syllables have a reduced vowel grade. A good example for such a root is LE. pela (with normal grade of the first syllable: plé (with normal grade of the second syllable) ‘to fill’ In applying the rules of vowel-gradation to this root, we get the following forms: pel(a), pol(a); plé, plo; pl, pl, pl. e.g. il ‘much’ (n.) fr. *pel-u; cf. Goth. filu. wile ‘all’ perhaps fr. *pol-jo-; cf. Greek rodos ‘ much. 58 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR lin ‘number’ fr. *ple-nw; cf. § 119. lém ‘full’ fr. *pl-no- Cf. § 105. It is to be noted that in dissyllabic roots whose second syllable is (when in the normal grade) a long vowel or long diphthong, the vowel of the first syllable can never appear in the lengthened vowel grade. ais regularly thrown out before an immediately following vowel, e.g. il, fr. *pel-u, older *pela-u. C.—ACCIDENCE The Definite Article § 132. Paradigm of the article. SINGULAR masculine | neuter | feminine ney in, int (before A in(d) ‘,2 int © . vowels) (before 8) gen. | in(d) ‘, int (before §) inna, na dat. (after preps. ending —n(d) , —nt (before §) in a vowel) | (after other preps.) —(s)in(d)‘, —(s)iné (before §$) | ace. (after fo) —n” —a" —n” | (after other preps.) —(s)in” —(s)a” —(s)in” 1 Some scholars deny the possibility of 7 giving Ja and postulate an I.E. *pld-no-, assuming a vowel gradation @:d. The whole question is very compli- cated. The same difficulty arises in the case of 7, m, 7, cf. § 105. It is indeed very peculiar that J should have given sometimes al and sometimes/d. A satis- factory solution has not yet been offered. There is, however, no doubt that 7, ra etc., are in many cases mere symbols, denoting 7, /, m, n preceded or followed by a reduced vowel. 2* indicates that the form aspirates. § 135. -a- stems. ACCIDENCE Fem. dram ‘number’ (fr. *ad+vrimda@) and the irregular ben ‘woman’ (fr. *g’end). (=) Singular N. dram ben G. dirme mnd ~D. dr(ayim mnat A. dr(a)im mnat V. dram ben Plural N. divmea mnd G. dram ban D. dirmib mnaib A. dirmea mn V. dirmea mnd Dual N.A. dr(ayim mnat G. dram ban D. dirmib mndib 61 Primitive Primitive Endings Forms of ben -O g’en-@ jas g'n-as a4 g'n-ar 0 [ Analogy to -2 the dat. sg.] g’en-a -as gn-as -Om g’n-om -abhis g'n-abhis -ans g'n-ans -as g'n-as -ar g'n-ar 2 G'N-... -abhim g'n-abhim 136. -jd- stems. Fem. guide ‘prayer’ (fr. *g’hodhja), wngae ‘ounce’ (fr. Lat. wneva). Singular N. guide ung(aye G. guide ung( aye D. guidi ung(ay A. guid ung(aye V. guide ung(aye Plural N. guidi ung(a)i G. guide ung (aye D. guidib ung(a)ib A. guidr ung(ayr V. guid ung(a)e Primitive Endings. ja -ja8 jar 1 -ja -e)e8 ~jom -jabhis -™Ms -€jes 62 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR Dual N.A. guidi ung(aye ar G. guide ung (aye a ea D. guidib wng(a)yub jabhim § 137. -7- stems. Masc. fdith ‘prophet’ (fr. *vatis); fem. nouns (e.g. flacth ‘sovereignty’ fr. *vlatis) are declined in the same way. Neut. guin ‘wound’ (fr. *g*honi). Singular Primitive Endings m. n. m. n. N. faith guin -is ~4 G. fatho? gono? [Analogy to -w- stems ?] D. faith guin -t -7 A. faith guin -1m -1 V. faith guin -4 -4 Plural N. fartha guine -e)€8 -Wya G. faithe guine -yjom -1jom D. faithib guinrb -ibhis -ibhis A. farthr guine -ins ya V. faitha guine -€)€8 -Uja Dual farth guin -% -t fatho? gono? [Analogy to -w- stems ?] Fdithib guinib -ibhim -rbhim 1 Also fatha, gona with change of final -o to -a (p. 15 footnote). § 138. -7- stems. Fem. rigain ‘queen’ (fr. *réjni), In I.E. there were 7:ja@ and 7:jé stems. This distinction cannot be upheld in O. Iy., where both classes of -7- stems have fallen together. Singular rig(ajn rign(a)e rign(a)r rign(a)ye rig(ajn SPOUaSA Plural rign(a)e rign(a)e rign(a)ib rign(a)e rign(ay SP OUaSA Dual rig(an rign(ayje rign(a)ub Sax ACCIDENCE Primitive Endings -7 -)08 -)00 VN -% 63 -2 ~)€8 “jer -j)Em -7 [Analogy to - 7- stems] 0M 0m ~jabhis or -jébhis [Analogy to -i- stems] [Analogy to -i- stems] [Analogy to -i- stems] gabhim or -~jebhim Note.—Already in O. Ir. some nouns belonging originally to this class have gradually passed into the @- (e.g. nom. sg. mét beside regular méit ‘size’ fr. *md-nti; dat. sg. méit instead of *mé(i)ti, ete.) or %- ' declension (e.g. gen. sg. inseo beside regular inse, nom. sg. inis ‘island’; dat. ace. luib instead of */u(2)bi, nom. sg. luib ‘plant,’ etc.), § 139. -w- stems. dorus ‘door’ (fr. *dhvorestw), Singular m. n. N. suth dorus G. sotho} doirseo D. = suth dorus A. suth dorus V. suth dorus Masc. suth ‘offspring’ (fr. *swtws), neut. Primitive Endings -US -OUS -0USs -U ~U -Um -U -W -U 66 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR Plural N. rig airig nathr(ajig -€8 G. rig airech nathrach -om D. rig(a)ib airech(a)jib' nathrach(a)ib* -obhis A. riga avrecha * nathracha ? -ns Dual N.A. rig airig nathr(a)ig -€ G: rig airech nathrach -0W D. rig(a)ib airech(a)ib! nathrach(a)ib? -obhim 1 The preservation of the vowel of the second syllable is due to the fact that *arjok- had become *arijok- before the time of syncope. 2 *natrikobhis and *natrikns should have regularly given *naithirchib and *naithirchea (§§ 55 I1., 59, 69.); their present forms are due to the analogy oi the other cases. § 144. Dental stems. Mase. car(a)e ‘friend’ (fr. *karant-s), cin ‘ fault’ (fr. *kinut-s), fii} ‘ poet’ (fr. *velét-s), bethu ‘life’ (fr. *g’ivo-tat-s), fiado ‘Lord’ (fr. *veidont-s); fem. traig ‘foot’ (fr. *traghet-s); neut. dé ‘tooth’ (fr. *dint.) The primitive endings of the masc. and fem. are the same as those of the guttural stems. Singular m. f, n. N. carae? ji traig dét (fr. *dnt) G. carat jiled traiged deét D. carait filrd traigid, traig déut A. carait jilid traigid dét (fr. *dnt) Plural N. carait filid traigid dét (fr. *dnta) G. carat jiled traiged dét D. cairtib? Jiled(a)ib* traigthib dét(a)ib A. cairtea? jileda* traigthea dét (fr. *dnta) 1 The final 7 has been introduced in Pr. Ir. from the oblique cases. ACCIDENCE 67 Dual N.A. carait jilid traigid déit (fr.*dnti) G. carat Jiled traiged dét D. cairtib? jiled(a)ib * traigthib dét(a)ib 1 Final -ant-s, -ank-s seem to have given-e; the non-palatal colour of the preceding r is probably due to the influence of the verb caraid ‘loves.’ -ant- had become -édd- (§ 108) before the time of syncope (cf. § 55 II.) ; hence e.g. cairtea fr. *kareddas, I.E. *karantns (cf. § 107); also the spelling cairdea, cairdib occurs (§ 1, ;.). 3 We should have expected filtid, filtea; cf. § 55, I., note b. § 145. Masculine and feminine nasal stems. Mase. brithem ‘judge’ (fr. *bhrt(i)jamé, full stem *bhrt(2)- jgamon-), menm(a)je ‘mind’ (fr. *menmen-s,t gen. sg. menman fr. *menmen-os); fem. deruce ‘acorn’ (fr. *derwnko, full stem *derunkon-), gen. sg. dercon, toimtiu ‘meaning’ fr. *to-men-t (id, full stem *toment(i)jon-) bri ‘belly’ (fr. *bhruso, the oblique cases from the stem *bhrusn-; the nom. sg. is used as the short dative), c% ‘hound’ (fr. *f£vd, full stem kvon-; gen. sg. and pl., probably also dat. and ace. pl. and gen. and dat. dual are formed from the weak stem kun-). + The dat. and acc. pl. seem to have been formed from the weak stem *menmn-. In the gen. sing. (and pl.) the full stem *menmen- seems to have been analogi- cally introduced ; fr. *menmnos one would have expected *menmon (§ 60). Note.—The oblique case-endings, which are those given in § 142, have been as a rule added to the full stem ; in I.E. only the nom. voce. ace. locative (=O. Ir. dative) sg., the nom. acc. dual and the nom. voc. pl. were formed from the full stem, but in O. Ir. the weak (unstressed) form of the stem had been replaced by the full stem in most instances. Singular m. N. brithem?} tovmtrw cw G. brithemon toimten con D. brithem(u)in,? brithem toimtin, toumte® coin A. brithem(w)yin toumtin coun 68 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR Plural N. brithem(u)jn? toumtin coun G. brithemon tovmten con D. brithemn(a)ib toimten(a)ub con(a)ib A. brithemna toumtena cona Dual N.A. brithem(u)in? tovmtin coun G. brithemon toumten con D. brithemn(a)ib toumten(a)ib con(a)ib 1 The unrounded quality of the m is peculiar (cf. § 49, 3 a). 2 Also brithemain (§ 61). 8 Also toimtiw; the nom. sg. has sometimes been used as a dative. Note.—anam ‘soul’ (fem.) fr. *anamé, full stem anamon-, is regularly declined in the plural; in the singular it has been influenced by ainm(m) ‘name (§ 145) and by the Lat. anima. Hence the m is un- aspirated in the sg., while » and m are sometimes made palatal; the gen. sg. anm(a)e seems directly taken from atnm(m). In the nom sg. appear the forms anam(m), ainim(m), an(a)im(m), in the dat. and ace. 8g. appears anim(m) beside the regular anm(u)in, anm(a)in. § 146. Neuter nasal stems. gairm ‘call’ (fr. *girsmn), ainm(m) ‘name’ (fr. nmr), céimm ‘step’ (fr. *khnksmn, older *khng-smn), réimm ‘course’ (fr. *reidh-smn), imb ‘butter’ (fr. *ng*-n). Singular Primitive Forms N. gairm grsmn G. garmae grsmen-s D. garm(ajm(m), gairm grsmen-t, grsmen A. gairm grsmn Plural N. garman(n) grsmn-a G. garman(n) grsmn-om D. garman(n)aib? grsmn-obhis A. garman(n) grsmn-a ACCIDENCE 71 § 150. -jo- and -ja- stems. wile ‘all’; mase. fr. *poljos; fem. fr. *polja; neut. fr. *poljom. The inflexion is the same as in the noun. (On «ile, alaile, see § 171). Only in the nom. ace. voc. plur. of all genders the ending is -7 (taken from 7-stems; the neuter has this ending also in substantival use). But in the acc. plur. masc. when the adjective is used substan- tivally, the ending is -(7)w as in the noun. § 151. -7- stems. maith ‘ good’; mase. fr. *mat-is, fem. fr. *mat-z, neut. fr. *mat-7. a. In the gen. sg. the endings are those of the -o- and -G- stems; these forms are also used substantivally. b. In the gen. pl. there appears, beside the regular forms in -e (maithe), a short form without any ending (maith); it seems that only the longer forms could be used substantivally. ce. In the nom. acc. pl. neut. the ending -i is regular; but when the adjective is used substantivally the ending -e may occasionally be employed. § 152. -w- stems. dub ‘black’; mase. fr. *dhubh-ws; fem. fr. *dhubh-w; neut. fr. *dhubh-u. In the gen. sg. of all genders and the dat. sg. fem. the endings are those of the -o-, -d- stems, while all plural-forms are inflected like -2- stems. § 153. Consonantal stems. There are very few examples, e.g. té ‘hot’ (*tepents), nom. pl. téit (*tepent-es). § 154. Comparison of adjectives. There are two comparisons: 1. The comparison of equality (old suffix *-tris), which is followed by the acc. of the noun. 72 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR e.g. dian ‘hasty’: dénithir ‘as hasty.’ il ‘much, mdr, mér ‘ great’ and lethan ‘broad’ have irregular comparatives: lir, mdir, lethidir. 2. The comparison of superiority, which has three degrees: the positive, the comparative, and the superlative. The comparative is formed by an old suffix *-j0s eg. sen ‘old’: sindw ‘ older’ (fr. *sen-70s) ard ‘high’: ardwu ‘higher’ (fr. *7dhv-j6s; ef. § 105). The superlative is formed by an old suffix *-2s-mo- e.g. sinem (fr. O. C. *sen-isamo-, I.E. *sen-is-mo-), ardam. Note.—Some adjectives form their comparative and superlative from the mere root, losing the suffix of the positive, e.g. sir ‘long’ (fr. *sé-ro-), comparative sta fr. *sé-1s, superlative stim. Such adjectives have also a different suffix in the comparative. In some instances the comparative and superlative are formed from another root. Examples of irregular comparison :— Positive Comparative Superlative accus, ocus ‘near’ nessa nessam bece ‘small’ U(a)ugu lugam, *laigem (cf. § 65, 3) al ‘much’ = lia 4 lethan ‘broad’ —letha 4 maith ‘good’ = ferr dech (deq) mdr (mor) ‘great’ mio, mé,mia mdam, méam otic ‘young’ i oim ole ‘bad’ messa messam trén ‘strong’ tressa tressam § 155. Adverbs from adjectives. Every adjective may become an adverb by putting the article before the dat. sg. n. of the required adjective, e.g. in maith ‘well,’ a biuce ‘little.’ The adjectives and participles in -de, -the take the ending -7d, -ith, e.g. ind aicnetid ‘naturally’ (fr. avenet(a)e). In later O. Ir. adverbs are occasionally formed with the help of the preposition co ‘to,’ e.g. commaith ‘ well.’ Only léir ‘diligent’ may also take the preposition di before it. The comparative and superlative degrees are formed by putting ACCIDENCE 7B the dat. sg. of the article before the comparative or superlative form of the respective adjective, e.g. int serbu ‘more bitterly’ (fr. serb); in messam ‘ most badly’ (fr. ole). Numerals § 156. Cardinals. den ‘one’ is uninflected and enters into composition with a following noun. (On den ‘same, see § 169, 2.) da (dé, p. 29, footnote), ‘two. (When unaccompanied by a noun, daw, dd.) masc. fem. neut. N. A. da‘ adi‘ da” G. da‘ da‘ da” D. dub”, deib”. tri (trt, p. 29, footnote), ‘three. (When unaccompanied by a noun tr.) masc. fem. neut. N., tri téoir, téora trv G. tri” téora” tri” D. trib téor(a)ib trib be tri téora trv cethir ‘four.’ mase. fem. neut. N. ceth(a)ir _cethéoir, cethéora _—_ceth(a)ir" G. 2 cethéora” 2 D. 2 cethéor(a)ib 2 A. ce(r)thrt _—cethéora ceth(a)ir* cdic ‘ five, sé ‘six, secht” ‘seven,’ ocht" ‘eight, not” ‘nine,’ deich” ‘ten, are uninflected. For the genitive of deich” the form déée, (later déac fr. *dvei-penk’ow) is used. The numerals 2-10 when unaccompanied by a noun or the article take the particle a before them. The numerals fiche ‘20, tricho (tricha, p. 15, footnote) ‘30,’ *cethorcho ‘40,’ *coico ‘50, *sesco ‘60,’ sechtmogo ‘70, *ochtmogo 76 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR indicative, (i)d° is regularly infixed unless there be an infixed pronoun. Simple verbs take no- before them which serves to infix the d’. The infixed pronoun of the 3rd sg. mase. and neut. appears after the mentioned particles as (z)d. d. The infixed pronouns are regularly inserted immediately before the stressed syllable (§ 53). When simple verbs are not preceded by (unstressed) no-, ro-, or one of the particles men- tioned in § 53, 2pb-e, the particle mo- is prefixed in order to infix a personal pronoun. See further § 29. But the infixed pronouns follow the forms of the copula; in this case Class 111. is used for the third person. Examples :— ad a. con-nachn-ingéuin ‘so that he knew him not,’ ar-nacha-tisat ‘lest they should come to them,’ na-n-da-tiberad ‘that he would not give it’ (i.e. the flesh ; féuil is fem. in O. Ir.). Cf. § 28 ¢. ad b. I. ni-m-charat-sa ‘they do not love me,’ ni-cheil ‘he does not hide 2’ (but ni-ceil ‘he does not hide’), 7-a-li¢ic ‘he left him’ (cf. § 34 note), aro-b-roinasc, ‘I have betrothed you,’ immu-s-cluinetar (with eclipsed ¢, ie. g) ‘ they hear one another.’ II. atam-grennat (fr. ad-greinn or in-greinn), ‘they pursue me,’ cotn- erba, ‘he entrusts himself,’ for-dob-moinetar, ‘they envy you.’ III. 2n-dit-motde ‘in which thou shouldst boast,’ amail imm-i-n-d-rditset (see § 29) ‘as they were thinking of him,’ con-(d)id-molathar ‘so that he praises him,’ in fer do-da-aidlea (fr. -ad-ella) ‘the man who visits her,’ in gnim ar-id-gair ‘the deed which he forbids.’ ad ce. mani-d-chretid ‘if you do not believe,’ ce no-d-chara ‘ though he loves,’ ci as-id-beir ‘ though he says it.’ ad d. amal for-n-da-cin-gair, ‘as he orders them,’ ni-ru-m-chim-ar- léicis ‘thou hast not permitted me,’ d-a-gntu-sa ‘I do it,’ tssa-t-écen * it is necessary for thee’ (issa-t in proclitic position fr. *esti+tu ; ef. § 81), iss-idn-aithrech ‘it is repentant for him, i.e. he repents.’ § 160. Suffixed personal pronouns. I, After verbs. Sg. 1. -wm, 2. -wt (-at), 8. masc. neut. -7 (after the 1 and 2 pl. -it), fem. -ws. Pl. 1. -unn, 3. -ws. ACCIDENCE e.g. beirthi ‘he carries him’ (fr. older *beretht= LE. *bhereti+ 77 im), guidmit ‘we pray for it, beirthius ‘he carries them’ (fr. older *berethisw=1.E. *bhereti+ sons). These suffixed pronouns are used only after the simple verbal forms. II. After prepositions. Most of the simple prepositions combine with the disjunctive forms of the personal pronouns. The primitive order of things has been much disturbed by the working of analogy. All the combinations may take an emphatic suffix. A Prepositions governing the dative :— | a ‘out of’ di ‘from’ do ‘to’ | Jan oer sence of Sg. 1. | | dim dom, dam | fladam 2. essiut dit duit, dart, d(e)it | 3.m.n.| ass de déu, dé ( dossom) f. e(t)sst, e(2)sse | dé (dissc) dt (dissi) Plot: din(n) duin(n) 2. dib | diib Siadib 3} e(t)ssib | diib, dib do(a)ib, duaib, déib, fiad(a)ib ior ‘after’ | ts ‘below’ oc ‘at’ ren ‘before’ | | Sg. 1. és(s)um *ocum *remum, rium 2. tarmut *ocut remut, *riut 3. m.n.| tarum | oc(c)o, oc(c)a | riam f. | occ(a)i, occae | remi 121 bial ocunn *remunn, riunn 2. *ocaib 3. occaib remib ta (6) * from’ was (6s) ‘above Sg. 1. (h)tiaim(m) uasum 2. (h)tatt See ioe (h)tiad, (h)iaid (*taso, *w%asa ?) si (h)tiadi, (h)iade Pi (h)iain(n), hiian(n) (én-nt) 2, (h)wiaib 3. (h)tia(t)dib (ddib) 6sib(Wb.) 78 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR B. Prepositions governing the accusative :— amal ‘like’ cen * without’ co ‘to’ eter ‘between’ Sg. 1. samlum cuccum etrum, etrom OF *samlut cenut cuc(c)ut 3.m.n.| saml(a)jid cen(a)e cuc(c)t etir, itir i cucae, cwicce TE ae CUCUNN etrun(n), etron(n) 2. | cenwib cuc(c)ueb etrwib 3. | samlaib cenaib cuccu etarru, etarro Sri ‘towards’ imm ‘about’ la ‘with’ sya Ute Srim(m), frium(m) immum lem(m), lim(m), Ziwm(m) 2. SFrit(t), friut(t) immut lat(é) 3.m.n. | friss imbt leiss, less, laiss | f. Srie impe lee (laee, lé) Pie Srimm immunn linn | 2. Srib immib lib 3. Sriu impu, impo léu, léo sech ‘ past’ tar (dar) ‘over’ tri (tre) ‘through Sg. 1. *sechum *torum trium 2. *sechut torut triut 3h aly a5 sechee tarais tritt, trit f. *secce *taarse tree ded Bagel torunn triun(n) 2: triab 3. seccu tairsiu tréu, tréo C. Prepositions governing the dative and accusative :— ar (*pre) ‘ for’ airium 1 airi airib, airiu(t)b 1 airriu | | | Sorru ar (*pera) ‘for’ | fo‘under’ | for ‘on’ | | erum form, forum erut fort —} Sou, fo | —}1 Suirr | fot fair, foir *fow forrae erunn, eronn Jfornn, forun(n) eruib Suirib, fo(i)rib : foib For(a)ib erru, erriu 1 The accusative forms of ar are also used for the dative. ACCIDENCE 81 n. -som? (-sum? -sam) -sem, -siwm son, 6n Pl. 1. -n4, -nat -n0 2. -st -St 3. -som} -sem, -sium 1 These broad spellings are also used after slender final sounds; in the third persons the broad spellings prevail even after slender sounds, Examples: am ri-se ‘I am a king,’ as-bir-so (or -sw, -siu) ‘thou sayst,’ a flaith-som (or -sem, -siwm) ‘his sovereignty,’ do- ssom ‘to him’ (§ 160 IT. a). In the 3 sg. n. with forms of the copula only sén, én can be used, sén, én may also be used in explanations in the sense of ‘ that is to say.’ e.g. intan imme-romastar sin nach noib ‘that is, when any saint sins.’ See further § 168, 5. § 168. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives. 1. The article, when combined with a following affixed -(h)i e.g. m. int-t (f. ond-é, n. an-t, g. sg. m. n. ind-é, f. nna-hi, etc.) has the meaning ‘he, the aforementioned, before a relative verb ‘ he who.’ e.g. intt Dia ‘God, ant as maith ‘that which is good.’ 2. The pronouns so, sa (after words ending in a palatal sound mostly se, seo, sea) ‘this, sim ‘that,’ tall, wewt ‘ yonder, there’ are used after a noun preceded by the article eg. in fer sin ‘that man, ind eich se (seo, sea) ‘of this horse.’ Note.—/-siw (not ¢se, ¢-seo), t-sin, ¢-thall serve as the emphatic forms of the aforementioned pronouns. They may also be used substan- tivally without an accompanying noun, preceded only by the article. e.g. in fer tsiw ‘this man,’ inti thall ‘that yonder,’ imnaht-siu do-mmeil ‘ those things which he eats.’ 3. inso (inse), so (se) ‘this’ insin, sin ‘that’ are used as F 82 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR subject or object of a verb, after prep.+suff. pron., and after the comparative of equality. When forming predicate nouns they must be preceded by a personal pronoun of the third person. e.g. do-gnt (in)sin ‘he does that, ari (1n)sin ‘on account of that,’ as lérithir (an)so ‘it is so diligently,’ is st méit (in)sin ‘that is the extent.’ 4, In prepositional phrases se ‘this’ is used as accusative neuter, siw (or swnd) as dative, while sin ‘that’ is used for both cases. e.g. co-sse ‘up to this,’ de-siu or di-swnd ‘from this,’ tar-sin ‘afterwards.’ Note.—siu, swnd, sin may also be used adverbially, meaning ‘here.’ sin may be used after the comparative e.g. méo sin ‘ greater than this.’ 5. The dat. and ace. of swide ‘he, she, this’ are fully stressed and regularly inflected, though the dat. pl. may be sometimes used for the accusative. For the accus. sg. neut. the form sod(a)in is used. The dat. and acc. are used with prepositions and after the comparative, e.g. la sod(a)in ‘ therewith,’ do suidiu ‘to him,’ méo suidiu ‘greater than this.’ The nom. and gen. are enclitic and may serve as emphatic particles. (a.) nom. sg. m. side (sede), f. side, ede, ade (ide), de n. side; pl. sidi, side, adi, di, ade (ide), de. These forms are used as the subject of a verb or they are attached to the third persons of the personal pronoun; they may be further attached to a verb, going with an infixed pronoun. e.g. do-beir side ‘he gives’; nirbu litir ade ‘it was not a letter’; as é-side as-beir ‘he says’ (i.e. it is he who says); ni-sn-dirmim sidi ‘I reckon them not.’ (b.) gen. sg. m. n. sidi, adi (tdi), di, (ade, de) f. ade (ide), de pl. m. f. n. ade (ide), de (adv, di). These forms are attached to a noun preceded by a possessive ACCIDENCE 83 pronoun e.g. a iress sidi ‘his faith’; a dilde ade‘ her beauty,’ a thorb(a)e de ‘his profit.’ § 169. Definitive pronouns and adjectives. 1. ‘Self’ is expressed by different forms in different persons. Sg. 1. féin, fadéin, céin, cadéin ; 2. féin, fadéin ; 3. m.n. fe(i)ssin, fé(i)sin, fein, fesine, fade(is)sin, fadéne, cesin, cadesin ; f. fe(i)sine, féisne, féissin, fissin, fadisin. Pl. 1. fesine, fanisin, canisin ; 2. féisne, fé(i)sin, fadéisne, fadisin ; 3. fésine, féisne, fe(is)sin, fade(i)sine, fadé(i)sne, fadesin, fedesin, cadesne, cadésin. The quantity of the internal e seems uncertain, except in the 1. and 2. pers. sg. 2.‘The same’ is expressed by the undeclinable imnonn, innunn (sinnonn, sinnunn) or by the declinable oin (den) which precede the respective nouns or by cétn(a)e (§ 156) which follows its noun. The substantive ‘the same’ is expressed by the neuter case of oin (den) preceded by (s)innonn, (s)innunn. § 170. Indefinite pronouns. 1. nech ‘any one, anything,’ nom. acc. n. né or na-ni, gen. neich, dat. newch, neoch. For the plural the forms of alaile (araile)! are used. ech is often used before a relative verb e.g. do neuch as maith ‘concerning whatever is good.’ 2. nechtar de or nechtar n-at ‘either of them’ (uninflected). 3. cdch (nom. dat. acc.) ‘every one, gen. cdich ; n. cach (cech) nt. When used before a relative verb it takes the article before it. 4. cechtar de or cechtar n-di ‘each of them’ (later also cechtardae dirb). 5. alaile (araile)! m. f, ‘another, n. alaill (araill), ace. pl. m. alailiw (arailiu),) gen. sg. f. ala-aile, gen. pl. ala n-aile, nom. pl. ala-aili or alaili. Note.—Instead of alaile: aile (n. aill) may be used preceded by the article or by nach (n. na) ‘any.’ 1 The r arose by dissimilation, due to the following /.