Sociological Perspectives on Religion: Understanding the Role of Sacred Institutions, Lecture notes of Religion

Download Sociological Perspectives on Religion: Understanding the Role of Sacred Institutions and more Lecture notes Religion in PDF only on Docsity! 462 14 Chapter Sections 1. Religion and Sociology 2. Theoretical Perspectives 3. Religious Organiza- tion and Religiosity 4. Religion in the United States Learning Objectives After reading this chapter, you will be able to • explain the sociological meaning of religion. • describe the different views of religion as seen by the major theoretical perspectives. • distinguish the basic types of religious organization. • discuss the meaning and nature of religiosity. • defi ne secularization and describe its relationship to religiosity in the United States. • discuss religious fundamentalism in the United States from the sociological perspective. Religion 463 More than thirty years after the Bea- tles’ last recording session, the group’s tapes and CDs are still selling by the millions. But there was a moment when American radio stations banned their mu- sic and many teenagers stomped on their records. The angry reaction was the result of a comment by John Lennon in a 1966 interview: “Christianity will go,” Lennon said. “It will vanish and shrink... We’re more popular than Jesus now, I don’t know which will go first—rock’n’roll or Christianity.” When the interview was published in the United States, there was an uproar that caught some by surprise. If the entire interview had been printed, the response might have been less extreme, but Lennon was forced to apologize. It seemed that many young Americans took their religion very seriously. The evidence suggests that, unlike people living in many industrialized nations, Americans are fairly religious. This chapter looks at religion as an institution, as well as at the ways that people express their religious beliefs. Chapter Overview Visit the Sociology and You Web site at glencoe.com and click on Chapter 14— Chapter Overviews to preview chapter information. Applying Sociology 466 Unit 4 Social Institutions Religion at War As part of studying the effects of religion on society, sociologists note that throughout history, religion has both promoted social stability and led to social confl ict. In this excerpt from the article Religion at War, the confl ict aspect is highlighted. In virtually every one of the world’s 480 major wars since 1700, each side has imagined itself to be exclusively on the side of God, Gött, Allah, Dieu or other names for the deity. Religion is often so closely linked with ethnic or national identity as to be seen as inseparable from them. Thus a struggle for expressions of ethnic or national identity is experienced as a religious war. This is so of the current unrest in the Punjab, cre- ated by Sikh demands for a separate Sikh state. Religion evokes powerful emotions and com- mitments. It is capable of producing believers whose faith moves them to acts of great self- sacrifi ce and charity. At the same time it can pro- duce believers who feel that their faith calls them to struggle violently in what they believe to be a just cause. One example is the Hindi/Muslim ten- sion in India focused on Ayodhya. Here, a mosque built in the 15th century was destroyed in 1992 by militant Hindus because it is believed to have been built over the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama. While the majority of Hindis and Muslims have lived together peacefully for generations, extrem- ists on both sides are capable of arousing violence through use of powerful religious symbols. In many faiths, the issue of whether warfare is permissible has given rise to various theories of the just war. Such theories seek to defi ne whether believers can ever engage in the use of violence. The usual conclusion is that violence—including warfare—is only acceptable in pursuit of a greater good. The problem, however, is who defi nes the greater good? Source: Joanne O’Brien and Martin Palmer, The State of Religion Atlas. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993, p. 117. Reprinted by permission. Thinking It Over Does functionalism or confl ict theory best explain the link between strong religious conviction and war? Why? Activists of a Hindu religious sect demand the right to build a temple on the site of a demolished mosque. Why are wars and confl icts often rooted in religious beliefs and values? Chapter 14 Religion 467 Section Key Terms legitimate (p. 468) spirit of capitalism (p. 472) Protestant ethic (p. 472) We know that religion is an important part of almost all societies because of the reli- gious artifacts that have been left behind. Th eoretical Perspectives Section Preview Religion has several functions. It legitimates the structure of society, pro- motes social unity, and provides a sense of meaning and belonging. Marx argued that religion is used to justify and maintain the group in power. Weber believed that religion could promote social change. He connected the Protestant ethic and the rise of capitalism. Functionalism and Religion Religion exists in some form in virtually all societies. (See Figure 14.1 on page 468 and World View on page 469 for a global distribution of major religions.) The earliest evidence of religion and religious customs and taboos has been traced as far back as 50,000 B.C. Humans had by then already begun to bury their dead, a practice based on the belief in existence after death. Evi- dence of religious practices appears in many ancient cultures. In Rome, there were specifi c gods for objects and events—a god of trees, a god of money, a goddess of fever. While the early Hebrews believed that pigs were unclean animals whose pollution would spread to all who touched or tasted them, the tribes of New Guinea considered pigs holy creatures worthy of ancestral sacrifi ce (Harris, 1989). Emile Durkheim, the fi rst sociologist to examine religion scientifi cally, wondered why it is that all societies have some form of religion. In one of his books, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1915), Durkheim offered an 468 Unit 4 Social Institutions Figure 14.1 Division of World Population by Religions* This graph compares the number of all religious believers belonging to a particular religion to the total estimated world population. * Figures shown are estimates and do not total to 100 due to rounding errors. legitimate to justify or give offi cial approval to explanation rooted in the function religion performs for society. The essen- tial function of religion, he believed, was to provide through sacred symbols a mirror for members of society to see themselves. Through religious ritu- als, people worship their societies and thereby remind themselves of their shared past and future existence. Following Durkheim’s lead, sociologists have identifi ed the following social functions of religion. Religion gives formal approval to existing social arrangements. Religious doc- trine and scripture legitimate the status quo. Religion, then, justifi es or gives authority to social norms and customs. A society’s religion explains why the society is—and should be—the way it is. It tells us why some people have power and others do not, why some are rich and others poor, why some are common and others elite. Many social customs and rituals are based on religion. According to Durkheim, legitimation is the central function of religion. Religion encourages a sense of unity. Religion, according to Durkheim, is the glue that holds society together. Without religion, society would be cha- otic. As Cuzzort and King have stated (1976), Durkheim “provided the greatest justifi cation for religious doctrine ever formulated by a social scientist when he claimed that all societies must have religious commit- ments. Without religious dedication there is no social order.” In some cases, though, religion causes societies to fragment, even to the point of civil war. Religion divides Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland. Thus, while it is accurate to say that religion is usually a source of social unity, it can also divide a society. (See Another Place, page 466.) Religion provides a sense of understanding. Religion not only explains the nature of social life and encourages social unity, it also provides individ- uals meaning beyond day-to-day life. People mark important events in life—birth, sexual maturity, marriage, death—with religious ceremonies and explain such events in religious terms. Religion gives believers a sense Chapter 14 Religion 471 How did Weber link Protestantism and capitalism? Whereas Marx believed that religion works against social change, Max Weber sug- gested that religion sometimes encourages social change. He pointed to the relationship between Protestantism and the rise of capitalism. Weber won- dered why capitalism emerged in northwestern Europe and America and not in other parts of the world. A possible answer lay in what he termed the spirit Interpreting the Map 1. Do you see any patterns of inequality in women’s rights in religion? Explain. 2. Where in the world would a woman be most likely to head an entire religious organization? Support your answer. Do some research to see if this has occurred. If it has not, explain why. 3. How does the United States compare with the Scandinavian countries in terms of gender equality? Why do you think this difference exists? 4. How would you explain the mixed status of women in India? Gender Inequality in Religion Women have been fi ghting for equal rights in all aspects of society—reli- gion as well as government and business. In some religions women have equal status within their orders. Other religions see feminism as a “West- ern” issue and irrelevant to their faiths. This map shows how major denom- inations in each country view the status of women. Adapted from The State of Religion Atlas, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993. 472 Unit 4 Social Institutions of capitalism and the Protestant ethic. With capitalism, work became a moral obligation rather than a mere necessity. If businesses were to grow, money (capital) had to be put back into the business rather than spent. Investment for the future was more important than immediate consumption. All of this Weber called the spirit of capitalism. Most major religions did not defi ne hard work as an obligation or demand the reinvestment of capital for further profi ts (rather than for immediate enjoyment). But some Protestant sects did. Here, then, was a reli- gion with a cluster of values, norms, beliefs, and atti- tudes that favored the emergence of modern capitalism. Weber referred to this cluster of values, norms, beliefs, and attitudes that stressed the virtue of hard work, thrift, and self-discipline as the Protestant ethic. What is the nature of the Protestant ethic? The Protestant ethic is often associated with John Calvin (1509–1564), an early Protestant theologian. Calvin’s followers were known as Calvinists. Calvinist beliefs illustrate several features of the Protestant ethic. According to Calvin, God identifi es his chosen by rewarding them in this world. Therefore, the more successful people were in this life, the more sure they were of being a member of God’s select few. Consumption beyond necessity was considered sin- ful; those who engaged in self-pleasure were agents of the devil. Calvinists believed there was an underlying pur- pose of life: glorifi cation of God on earth through one’s occupational calling. Because everyone’s mate- rial rewards were actually God’s, and the purpose of life was to glorify God, profi ts should be multiplied (through reinvestment) rather than used in the pur- suit of personal pleasures. Symbolic Interactionism and Religion Sociologist Peter Berger (1990) captured the relationship between religion and symbolic interactionism in his book, The Sacred Canopy. In this book, Berger explored the idea that humans create from their religious traditions a canopy, or cover, of symbolic meanings, to “lay” over the secular world. These otherworldly symbolic meanings are used to guide everyday social interac- tion. Religious beliefs, rituals, and ideas tell people the difference between the sacred and the profane and provide stability and security in a changing and uncertain existence. Symbolic interactionism, for example, helps us understand the expres- sion “there are no atheists in foxholes.” Insecurity and uncertainty, of course, are at a peak in the life-and-death situation of war, and the desire to regain security and certainty is a natural human response. Religious mean- ings, especially those related to an afterlife, can offer some relief. Japanese kamikaze pilots in World War II and Middle Eastern terrorists infuse their spirit of capitalism the obligation to reinvest money in business rather than to spend it Protestant ethic a set of values, norms, beliefs, and attitudes stressing hard work, thrift, and self-discipline The theology of sixteenth-century theologian John Calvin formed the basis for the Protestant ethic. Chapter 14 Religion 473 sometimes suicidal behavior with ultimate meaning by focusing on their reward beyond life. Less dramatically, people enduring troubled marriages can be strengthened by their commitment to uphold their holy vows of matrimony spoken in a place of worship. Each of the three major theoretical perspectives aids in the sociological study of religion. Figure 14.3 shows the unique light each perspective sheds. Section Assessment 1. How did Karl Marx view religion? 2. What was Weber’s contribu- tion to the sociological study of religion? 3. What did Berger mean by the phrase “the sacred canopy”? Critical Thinking 4. Analyzing Information Does the Protestant ethic still exist in America today? Use Weber’s analysis to justify your position. Figure 14.3 This table shows that in examining religion the three major perspectives focus on different aspects. Discuss the conclusion of any one of the theories in light of your experience with the institution of religion. Religion Theoretical Perspective Functionalist Conflict Theory Symbolic Interactionism Focus Look at contribu- tions of religion to society. Elites use religion to manipulate the masses. People create symbolic meanings from their religious beliefs, rituals, and ideas. Conclusions Religion legitimates social arrangements. It promotes social unity. It provides a sense of understanding. It encourages a sense of belonging. Religion is used by the most powerful to justify their economic, political, and social advantages. People use their socially created symbolic meanings to guide everyday social interactions. 476 Unit 4 Social Institutions In late November 1978, news began to arrive in the United States that a semireligious, socialistic colony in Guyana, South America, headed by the Reverend Jim Jones—founder of the California-based People’s Temple— had been the scene of a shocking suicide-murder rite in which some nine hundred people died from cyanide poisoning. Many Americans wondered how people could have become involved in something like that. Some dismissed the participants as ignorant or mentally unbalanced. But as more news came out, it became known that many of the members were fairly well-educated young people and that Jones was trusted and respected by some members of the California political establishment. We also learned that such events, although rare, have occurred before. Why are people willing to join extremist religious groups? Sociology can help us understand the motivations. Most converts to extremist religious groups seek friendship, companion- ship, acceptance, warmth, and recognition. These groups can provide a supportive community that helps overcome past loneliness and isola- tion. They can provide emotional ties that converts have not found at home, school, church, or work. Many groups even adopt kinship terms to give recruits new identities to separate them from their former lives. Most extremist religious groups emphasize immediate experience and emotional gratifi cation. Converts “feel” religion rather than merely think about it. Whether by medita- tion, speaking in tongues, or singing hymns, followers have frequent and intense emotional experiences they have not found elsewhere. Extremist religious groups emphasize security through strict authority. Under a fi rm authority structure and a clear, simple set of beliefs and rules, converts have something in which they can believe. Converts think they can exchange uncertainty, doubt, and confusion for trust and assurance through absolute obedience. Understanding the Danger of Cults The Reverend Jim Jones was the leader of a religious colony in Guyana, South America, where some nine hundred people were involved in a suicide-murder rite. Chapter 14 Religion 477 Extremist religious groups claim to offer authenticity and naturalness in an “artifi cial” world. By emphasizing such things as natural foods, communal living apart from civili- zation, and a uniform dress code, these groups attempt to show they are not part of the fl awed outside world. Religious movements may not actually be able to meet their followers’ needs any better than the outside world. Many of these religious groups lead to disillusionment, frustration, and bitterness when members realize that they cannot completely escape the outside world, which is full of uncertainty, confusion, fuzzy choices, and shades of gray. Moreover, many of these religious groups have joined the consumer society they profess to deplore, attractively pack- aging and selling themselves to the public. Not only may the new religious groups not solve the problems people in mod- ern society must face, many are as inauthentic as they accuse society of being. Some key questions exist to evaluate the authenticity of any religious group’s claims. For purposes of self-protection, these questions should be answered carefully before commit- ting to an extremist religious group. Does it require that you cut yourself off from family and friends? Does it consider drugs to be a major vehicle for true reli- gious experiences? Is corporal punishment or intensive, hours-long psycho- logical conditioning a part of its program? Does it claim to have special knowledge that can be revealed only to insiders? If the answer to any one of these questions is yes, you stand a chance of getting “hooked.” If the answers to several of these questions are positive, the chances of getting hooked increase dramatically. Friends and family mourn the loss of loved ones who died in Jim Jones’s People’s Temple mass suicide. Doing Sociology 1. Do you agree or disagree with the reasons given for why people join extremist religious groups? Discuss each reason and explain why you agree or disagree. 2. Can you think of other reasons why people may be attracted to such groups? Show that any reason you identify does not fi t into one of the four reasons stated. 3. If you had a friend considering membership in an extremist religious group, how would you use the information in this Sociology Today to discourage him or her? 478 Unit 4 Social Institutions for members is socially acceptable. Being one religious organization among many, a denomination generally accepts the values and norms of the secular society and the state, although it may at times oppose them. As mentioned, most American “churches”—Methodist, Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Baptist, Roman Catholic, and Reform Jew, for example—are actually denominations. A sect is a religious organization formed when members of an exist- ing religious organization break away in an attempt to reform the “parent” group. Generally, sect members believe that some valuable beliefs or tradi- tions have been lost by the parent organization, and they form their own group to save these features. Thus, they see themselves not as establishing a new religious faith but as redeeming an existing one. The withdrawal of a sect from the parent group is usually psychological, but some sects go farther and form communal groups apart from the larger society. The Separatists, or Pilgrims, who landed at Plymouth in 1620, wished to reform the Church of England from which they had separated. Another example is the Amish, a sect formed in 1693 when a Swiss bishop named Jacob Amman broke from the Mennonite church in Europe (Kraybill and Olshan, 1994). Less extreme sects in the United States today include the Seventh-Day Adventists, the Quakers, and the Assemblies of God. Unlike a sect, a cult is a religious organization whose characteristics are not drawn from existing religious traditions within a society. Whether imported from outside the society or created within the society, cults bring something new to the larger religious environment. We often think of cults as engag- ing in extreme behavior. The world has been shocked twice in recent years. In 1997, reports came of the ritualistic suicides of thirty-nine members of the Heaven’s Gate cult in California (Thomas, 1997). Dwarfi ng this incident was the mass killing of approximately 1,000 members of the Ugandan cult called the sect a religious organization that arises out of a desire to reform an existing religious organization cult a religious organization whose characteristics are not drawn from existing religious tradi- tions within a society Student Web Activity Visit the Sociology and You Web site at glencoe.com and click on Chapter 14—Student Web Activities for an activity on religious organizations. In 1997, thirty-nine members of the Heaven’s Gate cult in California committed ritualistic suicide. Most cults are not this dangerous, however. Chapter 14 Religion 481 Section Key Terms secularization (p. 482) fundamentalism (p. 485) The U.S. guarantees religious freedom. Pictured clockwise from the bottom left are a Hindu priest in Ohio, an Islamic prayer group in Maine, a Baptist congregation in Alabama, and a Jewish Chanukah celebration in Maryland. Religion in the United States Section Preview Through the process of secularization, the sacred and the profane tend to become intermixed. There has been a revival of religious fundamentalism in the United States. Religious faiths can be analyzed by major social char- acteristics such as class and political tendencies. The Development of Religion in America The search for religious freedom was only one of many reasons Puritan colonists came to America—but it was an important one. From the outset, the Puritans viewed themselves as a religious example for the world to follow and admire. Sociologist Robert Bellah has described the American religious connection this way: In the beginning, and to some extent ever since, Americans have interpreted their history as having religious meaning. They saw themselves as being a “people” in the classical and biblical sense of the word. They hoped they were a people of God (Bellah et al. 1992:2). 482 Unit 4 Social Institutions secularization process through which the sacred loses infl uence over society Figure 14.4 Percentage of Americans Saying Religion Is Very Important in Their Lives: 1952–2005 This fi gure tracks changes in the percentage of Americans who say that religion is very important in their lives. Why do you think the percentage was so high in the early 1950s? What prediction do you make for the next ten years? Source: The Gallup Organization, Gallup polls on religion. The framers of the U.S. Constitution seldom raised arguments against reli- gious faith. They were, however, sharply critical of any entanglement between religion and the state. Indeed, the ideas of separation of church and state and freedom of religious expression are cornerstones of American life. Despite this tradition, people in the United States have experienced incidents of religious persecution, including some directed at immigrant groups. Religion has always been of great importance in American life; but histori- cally, it has played a more active part in some periods than in others. There have been several “Awakenings” in U.S. history when religious principles have guided the development of culture and society. The 1830s, for example, saw new life come to many religious reform movements, including those against slavery and drinking alcohol. Later, the Protestant-led temperance movement resulted in the outlawing of alcohol for a short period during the 1920s. Secularization in the United States Countering the growth of religion in U.S. history is secularization. Through this process, the sacred loses infl uence over society, or aspects of the sacred enter into the secular (profane) world of everyday life. For example, formal education originally was a function of religion. Most early teachers and professors were clerics and church members. Over time in the United States, this function was taken over by the state, although many church- sponsored schools still exist. Is secularization destroying religion in the United States? Evidence is mixed concerning the relative importance of religion in the United States today. On the one hand, some fi ndings indicate a decline in the impor- tance of religion. The percentage of Americans claiming that religion is very important in their lives fell from 75 percent in 1952 to 57 percent in 2005. (See Figure 14.4.) Scores on the Princeton Religion Index, made up of eight leading indicators, have also declined since the 1940s. In 1957, 14 percent of the pub- lic indicated that they believed religion was losing infl uence on American life. In 2005, 46 percent of the public saw a loss of infl uence (Gallup, 2005). On the other hand, some recent research has found Americans today to still be highly committed to religion. Whether measured by the num- ber of churches per capita, the proportion of regular church- goers, or fi nancial support of the churches, sociologist Theo- dore Caplow observed a trend toward greater involvement in religious affairs (Caplow, 1998). Chapter 14 Religion 483 In fact, as suggested in the Applying Sociology feature opening this chap- ter, America still appears to be a religious nation when compared with other industrialized countries (see Figure 14.5). Only 9 percent of the American population is without a religious preference. About 76 percent identify them- selves as Protestants, Catholics, or Jews. There are now over three hundred recognized denominations and sects and thousands of independent congre- gations in the United States (Linder, 2002). About seven in ten Americans belong to a church, a synagogue, or mosque, and over half of these claim to be active in their congregations. Four Americans in ten claim they have attended a church or synagogue in a typical week. (In England, for example, the average weekly church attendance is 14 percent.) Furthermore, although the proportion of Americans belonging to a church, synagogue, or mosque has declined slightly from a high of 76 percent in 1947 to 66 percent in 2005, church attendance has changed very little over the years. Since 1939, weekly church or synagogue attendance in the United States has remained relatively stable—from 41 percent to 44 percent in 2005. Americans also tend to support traditional religious beliefs. Ninety-four percent of the American population believe in God or a universal spirit, 65 per- Figure 14.5 Global Comparisons in Religiosity Consider Selves Religious Persons Italy 83% United States 81 Ireland 64 Spain 63 Great Britain 58 West Germany 58 Hungary 56 France 51 Non-ethnic Lithuanians 50 Czechoslovaks 49 Scandinavia 46 Ethnic Lithuanians 45 Attend Church at Least Weekly Ireland 82% United States 43 Spain 41 Italy 36 West Germany 21 Czechoslovakia 17 Ethnic Lithuanians 15 Non-ethnic Lithuanians 12 Great Britain 14 Hungary 13 France 12 Scandinavia 5 Average Ratings of Importance of God* United States 8.2 Ireland 8.0 Northern Ireland 7.5 Italy 6.9 Spain 6.4 Finland 6.2 Belgium 5.9 Great Britain 5.7 West Germany 5.7 Norway 5.4 Netherlands 5.3 Hungary 4.8 France 4.7 Denmark 4.4 Source: Religion in America, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Religion Research Center). This table compares the level of religiosity among selected industrialized countries. Which finding do you think is the most important? Which finding is the most surprising to you? Explain in both cases. *“10” is of highest importance. exist in all Protestant organizations, but they are predominantly found in such religious bodies as the Mormons, the Assemblies of God, the Seventh- Day Adventists, the Baptists, and the Jehovah’s Witnesses. (See Figure 14.7.) What is the nature of fundamentalism today? The theologi- cal agenda of today’s fundamentalists is very close to that of their forebears in the nineteenth century. Fundamentalists believe in the literal truth of the Scriptures, or in taking the Bible at “face value.” Protestant fundamentalism involves being “born again” through acceptance of Jesus Christ as the Son of God who was sent to redeem mankind through his sacrifi ce. Fundamentalist doctrine includes belief in the responsibility of all believers to give witness for God, the pres- ence of Satan as an active force for evil, and the destruction of the world prior to the Messiah’s return to establish His kingdom on earth. Are all fundamentalists alike? Religious organizations that share in much of the fundamentalist theology have some unique beliefs and practices of their own. An example is neo-Pentacostalism—or the charismatic movement, as it is sometimes called—which has occurred for the most part within tradi- tional religious organizations, particularly the Roman Catholic and Episco- pal churches. Those involved in this movement often speak of receiving “the baptism of the Holy Spirit.” But central to most neo-Pentecostal groups is the experience of “speaking in tongues,” which believers claim is a direct gift of the Holy Spirit (Cox, 1992, 1996; Hunt, Hamilton, and Walter, 1998). Why is fundamentalism so strong today? Several reasons for the growth of fundamentalism have been proposed. Many Americans feel their world is out of control. The social order of the 1950s was shattered by a string of traumatic events beginning with the civil rights movement and progressing through campus violence, political assassinations, the Vietnam War, and Watergate. Increases in substance abuse, illegitimate births, divorce, and crime are taken as signs of moral decline. Fundamental religion, with its absolute answers and promise of eternal life, provides a strong anchor in a con- fusing, bewildering world. Figure 14.7 American Church Membership Trends: 1990–1999 Do you believe that this pattern has continued in the twenty-fi rst century? Explain your conclusion using text materials. Source: Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches, 1999. This charismatic minister in Atlanta is engaged in faith healing. National Baptist Convention, U.S.A. Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) Mainline Protestants Conservative Protestants Episcopal Evangelical Lutheran Presbyterian (U.S.A.) United Church of Christ United Methodist Assembly of God Church of the Nazarene Seventh-Day Adventist Southern Baptist Convention Roman Catholic –0.4% –0.2% 0 Percentage of change +0.2% +0.4% +0.6% 486 Chapter 14 Religion 487 Fundamentalist churches, by emphasizing warmth, love, and caring, pro- vide solace to people who are witnessing and experiencing the weakening of family and community ties. Mainline churches tend to be more formal and impersonal. Fundamentalist churches offer what they consider a more purely sacred environment, in contrast to mainline denominations that fundamental- ists see as accommodating to secular society. The electronic church, in its role as part of the mass media, has been an important contributing factor in the growth of religious fundamentalism. (See Focus on Research on page 484.) Religion, Class, and Politics Religious affi liation is related to social class. There are marked differences, for example, in social class (as measured by education and income) among the more traditional religions in the United States. Generally speaking, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and Jews are at the top of the stratifi cation structure. Below them are Lutherans, Catholics, and Methodists, followed by Baptists. Because these are average fi gures, there are many individual excep- tions to these rankings. Differences in religiosity exist between the upper and lower classes as well. Religion is important at both ends of the stratifi cation structure, but the upper and lower classes express their beliefs in different ways. The upper classes display their religiosity through church membership, church atten- dance, and observance of ritual, whereas people in the lower classes more often pray privately and have emotional religious experiences. Political affi liation, too, is related to religion. Followers of the Jewish faith are particularly aligned with the Democratic Party, followed in strength of support by Catholics and Protestants. This is predictable, because Protestants generally are more politically conservative than Catholics or Jews, and the Democratic Party is generally not associated with political conservatism in the United States today. Of the major Protestant denomi- nations, the greatest support for the Republican Party is found among Episcopalians and Presbyterians. This is hardly surprising, because the upper classes are more likely to be identifi ed with the Republican Party. There are some contradictions in this general pattern. Despite their affi liation with the more conservative Republican Party, Episcopalians and Presbyterians are less conservative than Baptists, who are the strongest sup- porters of the Democratic Party of all Protestant denominations, especially in the South. Religion, Science, and Society Both science and religion examine humanity’s relationship to the world, but they examine it in very different ways. Religion involves matters beyond human observation, while science is all about observation. These fi elds of study are not mutually exclusive. Many scientists are religious individu- als, while many professional clergy appreciate and support the intellectual achievements of the fi eld of science. Sometimes, however, these two institutions can appear to be in confl ict. Depending on the values and norms of the culture, society may favor reli- gious or scientifi c explanations. In the United States, following the principle 488 Unit 4 Social Institutions of separation of state and church, it has been common to keep religion apart from government-sponsored institutions. Scientifi c explanations for natural phenomena, when com- monly accepted, have been taught in the schools, leaving religious groups free to teach other interpre- tations within their organizations. Strict fundamentalists do not believe that scientifi c theories such as the theory of evolution and the Big Bang theory of creation should be presented in public schools as facts, while Bible-based explana- tions such as creationism and intel- ligent design are not even discussed. In 1999, fundamentalists convinced the Kansas Board of Education to remove any questions about evolu- tion from the state high school exit examination. Until the decision was repealed in 2001, Kansas teachers were not required to teach the theory of evolution. In 2005, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear a case brought against the Dover County, Pennsylvania, School board, which required high school biology teachers to read students a statement questioning Darwin’s theory of evolution before discussing it. Today, many people are questioning whether “pure science” can remain independent of cultural or social norms, as some scientists believe. Scientifi c discoveries and processes, such as cloning and gene therapy, are moving into ever more ethically debatable areas. The result appears obvious: the interface between science and religion is sure to increase. Society, in particular govern- ment, will need to learn how to deal constructively with apparent contradic- tions in these two areas. Religion and science some- times come into heated confl ict. One famous case was the 1925 “Monkey Trial” of John Thomas Scopes in Tennessee. Section Assessment 1. What is secularization and why is it an important pro- cess to explore? 2. Describe the relationship between religion and politi- cal allegiance in the U.S. Critical Thinking 3. Analyzing Information Analyze how progress in scientifi c research will affect religious beliefs and practices over the next twenty-fi ve years. Chapter 14 Religion 491 Sociology Projects 21. Survey Research People have different attitudes toward dif- ferent religions as demonstrated by the table below. Design a survey that would allow you to conduct an informal study of student attitudes toward religion. Remember that your questions should be directed at social practices and not at the specifi c beliefs. Be careful to ask questions that respect religious belief. Compare your answers with those in the table below. In class, discuss the results of the survey and whether you found distinctive attitudes toward religions among teens compared to adults. 22. Researching Religions Choose a religion, denomination, sect, or cult to research. You can learn about the group by talking with some of its members. You can also fi nd excellent material in libraries and on the Internet. In your research, focus on the follow- ing aspects of the group: its origin; fundamen- tal beliefs, important rituals or ceremonies; internal social changes that occurred over time; and membership demographics (social class, ethnicity, and so forth). Based on your research, prepare a report with visual aids that can be given orally. 23. Charitable Organizations Contact a religious organization in your neigh- borhood, and arrange to take part in some community service activity in which this organization is involved. Pay close attention to the various ways in which these groups con- duct charitable work. Report to the class on the effectiveness of your service—both for the recipient and for yourself. Then consider how your community would be affected if the group stopped providing this service. Would some political or non-governmental organization continue it? 24. Defi ning and Analyzing Religion This exercise will help you understand the dif- fi culty social scientists have when it comes to defi ning and analyzing religion. Take out a piece of paper and answer the following questions: a. How do you defi ne religion? b. What does it mean to you? c. Do you believe in the supernatural? d. If you do believe in the supernatural, how do you imagine it to be? After everyone in class has completed these questions, turn to your neighbor and compare your answers with his or her answers. Note the similarities and differences. Share your answers with as many of your classmates as possible. Technology Activity 25. Using your school or local library and the Internet, research information on the clergy during the middle ages. Based on your research and the material you read in this chapter, how would you classify their religious organization? Some of the characteristics of the clergy might be regarded as a cult. Explain why the clergy in the middle ages were not a cult. Using proper grammar, sentence structure, spelling, and punctuation, write a paragraph defending your conclusion. General Opinions Toward Religious Groups Favorable Unfavorable Methodists 90% 10% Presbyterians 88 12 Jes 88 12 Lutherans 85 15 Episcopalians 85 15 Catholics 85 15 Evangelical Christians 76 24 Muslim Americas 65 35 American Buddhists 60 40 Atheists 34 66 Source: Pew Research Center, 2001 492 Unit 4 Social Institutions People often take their own religion for granted, overlooking its connec- tions with the rest of society. We are better able to see the link between religious beliefs and culture when we examine an unfamiliar setting. Marvin Harris’s analysis of the place of the cow in Hinduism provides such a backdrop. News photographs that came out of India during the famine of the late 1960s showed starving people stretching out bony hands to beg for food while sacred cattle strolled behind undisturbed. The Hindu, it seems, would rather starve to death than eat his cow or even deprive it of food. The cattle appear to browse unhindered through urban markets eating an orange here, a mango there, competing with people for meager supplies of food. By Western standards, spiritual values seem more important to Indians than life itself. Specialists in food habits . . . consider Hinduism an irrational ideology that compels people to overlook abundant, nutritious foods for scarcer, less healthful foods. Cow worship . . . carries over into politics. In 1966 a crowd of 120,000 people, led by holy men, demonstrated in front of the Indian House of Parliament in support of the All-Party Cow Protection Campaign Com- mittee. In Nepal, the only contemporary Hindu kingdom, cow slaughter is severely punished. As one story goes, the car driven by an offi cial of a United States agency struck and killed a cow. In order to avoid the interna- tional incident that would have occurred when the offi cial was arrested for murder, the Nepalese magistrate concluded that the cow had committed suicide. . . . The easy explanation for India’s devotion to the cow, the one most Westerners and Indians would offer, is that cow worship is an integral part of Hinduism. Religion is somehow good for the soul, even it if sometimes fails the body. Religion orders the cosmos and explains our place in the universe. Religious beliefs, many would claim, have existed for thousands of years and have a life of their own. They are not understandable in scien- tifi c terms. But all this ignores history. There is more to be said for cow worship than is immediately apparent. The earliest Vedas, the Hindu sacred texts from the second millennium B.C., do not prohibit the slaughter of cattle. Instead, they ordain it as part of sacrifi cial rites. The early Hindus did not avoid the fl esh of cows and bulls; they ate it at ceremonial feasts presided over by Brahman priests. Cow worship is a relatively recent development in India; it evolved as the Hindu religion developed and changed. This evolution is recorded in royal edicts and religious texts writ- ten during the last 3,000 years of Indian history. The Vedas from the fi rst millennium b.c. contain contradictory passages, some referring to ritual India’s Sacred Cow by Marvin Harris contemporary modern, current edict offi cial proclamation or law ideology a systematic body of thought about human culture or society Chapter 14 Religion 493 slaughter and others to a strict taboo on beef consumption. . . . [M]any of the sacred-cow passages were incor- porated into the texts by priests of a later period. By 200 A.D. the status of Indian cattle had undergone a spiritual trans- formation. The Brahman priesthood exhorted the population to venerate the cow and forbade them to abuse it or to feed on it. Religious feasts involving the ritual slaughter and con- sumption of livestock were eliminated and meat eating was restricted to the nobility. By 1000 A.D., all Hindus were for- bidden to eat beef. Ahimsa, the Hindu belief in the unity of all life, was the spiritual justifi cation for this restriction. But it is diffi cult to ascertain exactly when this change occurred. An important event that helped to shape the modern complex was the Islamic invasion, which took place in the eighth century A.D. Hindus may have found it politically expedient to set them- selves off from the invaders, who were beefeaters, by emphasizing the need to prevent the slaughter of their sacred animals. Thereafter, the cow taboo assumed its modern form and began to function much as it does today. Source: Excerpted from James M. Henslin, Down to Earth Sociology: Introductory Readings, 10th ed., The Free Press, 1999. Read and React 1. Summarize your understanding (prior to reading this article) of the Hindu religious belief about cows. Has your opinion changed after reading it? Why or why not? 2. How do non-Hindu people’s reactions to the sacred cow relate to ethno- centrism and cultural relativism? Explain in each case, drawing on mate- rial in the reading. Anthropologist Marvin Harris contends that science and culture can explain the reason cows are sacred to Hindus. How does he attempt to sup- port his claim? ascertain determine exhorted strongly urged politically expedient based on practical or advantageous reasons venerate worship or revere