Analyzing Media in Teacher Education: Exploring Language-Learners' Identity through Images, Study Guides, Projects, Research of English Language

Download Analyzing Media in Teacher Education: Exploring Language-Learners' Identity through Images and more Study Guides, Projects, Research English Language in PDF only on Docsity! 42 CARLA CHAMBERLIN-QUINLISK Critical Media Analysis in Teacher Education: Exploring Language-Learners’ Identity Through Mediated Images of a Non-Native Speaker of English Carla Chamberlin-Quinlisk Media literacy education has become increasingly present in curricular initiatives around the world as media saturate our cultural environments. For second-lan- guage teachers and teacher educators whose practice centers on language, com- munication, and culture, the need to address media as a pedagogical site of critique is imperative. In this article, I introduce critical media analysis (CMA) as a tool that cultivates discussion of language-learners’ identities as they are shaped by popular media. I present CMA in the context of critical language stud- ies and communication theories that situate language in social and political land- scapes. I describe a hybrid (quantitative/qualitative) approach to CMA as I apply it to a non-native speaker of English (NNSE) character from an internationally successful Hollywood film. I describe representations that “symbolically colonize” (Molina-Guzmán, 2010) the NNSE as lower class, lower status, and comfortably positioned as subordinate to his native-speaker counterparts. I then share exam- ples of how students use CMA to further explore media cultivation of social atti- tudes toward language-learning, language policies, and NNSE identity. Overall, this article offers second-language teacher educators a theoretically informed model of analysis that engages TESL professionals as active participants in their media-saturated environments. Comme suite à la saturation de nos environnements culturels par les médias, l’é- ducation à la litttératie médiatique apparait de plus en plus souvent dans les pro- grammes d’études partout au monde. Ainsi, il est impératif pour les enseignants de langue seconde et les formateurs d'enseignants dont la pratique repose sur la langue, la communication et la culture, de faire des médias l’objet de critique péd- agogique. Dans cet article, je présente l’analyse critique des médias (ACM) comme outil qui stimule la discussion sur les identités des apprenants de langues telles qu’elles sont définies par les médias populaires. Je présente l’ACM dans le contexte des études critiques du discours et des théories des communications qui situent la langue dans des paysages sociaux et politiques. Je décris une approche hybride (quantitative/qualitative) à l’ACM telle qu’elle s’applique au personnage, dont la langue maternelle n’est pas l’anglais, d’un film de Hollywood qui a connu un succès international. Je décris des représentations qui «colonisent symbolique- ment» (Molina-Guzmán, 2010) les locuteurs non natifs de l’anglais (LNNA) en les présentant comme étant de classe inférieure, de statut inférieur et de façon TESL CANADA JOURNAL/REVUE TESL DU CANADA 43 VOL. 29, NO 2, SPRING 2012 générale, occupant une position subordonnée à leurs homologues anglophones. Je poursuis en fournissant des exemples de l’emploi que font les étudiants de l’ACM pour poursuivre leur exploration de la construction par les médias des attitudes sociales face à l'apprentissage des langues, les politiques portant sur les langues et l’identité des LNNAs. De façon globale, cet article offre aux en- seignants de langue seconde un modèle d’analyse reposant sur des bases théoriques qui présente les professionnels en l’enseignement de l’ALS comme des participants actifs dans leurs milieux saturés par les médias. Popular film and other media have been used as sources of authentic lan- guage in second-and foreign-language classrooms for many years, and they continue to gain momentum as new technologies bring media into our lives at an unprecedented rate. In many disciplines, including education, journal- ism, communication, and sociology, to name a few, media literacy education (MLE) has been a growing area of theoretical and practical interest. Media literacy education refers to knowledge of how to use and create media through new technologies, as well as how to interpret and decode media rep- resentations. In addition, Lewis and Jhally (1998) argue that “Media literacy should be about helping people to become sophisticated citizens rather than sophisticated consumers” (p. 109). This emphasis on civic participation is shared by scholars who feel that a public sphere for debate and conversation has been replaced by consumption in our media-saturated worlds (Haber- mas, 1991; Wyatt & Silva, 2007). Media educators Nowak, Abel, and Ross (2007) contend that the classroom can become a place in our public sphere for challenge and debate, allowing students not only to dissect the content of media images, but also to engage in conversation about the relationship between those who produce and consume media. MLE asks questions such as: Why are these images so popular? What do media images convey that consumers want to believe? What alternatives are available? In other words, MLE is not simply about rhetorical and visual (content) analysis, but ad- dresses larger questions of why certain images are normalized in media, how social interactions are shaped by mediated portrayals of others, and how al- ternative representations might challenge established hegemony. This ques- tioning process is not about pushing a particular political agenda, although it does not deny the political dimensions of mass communication, but about teachers and students recognizing that “Media are part of culture and func- tion as agents of socialization; and that people use their own skills, beliefs and experiences to construct meaning from media messages” (Hobbs & Jensen, 2009, p. 7). In this article I introduce critical media analysis (CMA) as a model for teacher educators to adapt and integrate into their practice. In my second- language teacher education courses, I use CMA to examine images from pop- ular culture that tell stories about language-learners and then connect these 46 CARLA CHAMBERLIN-QUINLISK hegemonically tamed and incorporated through media” (p. 9). Her work finds Latina identity as consistently “gendered, racialized, foreign, exotic, and consumable” (p. 9), often reducing Latinas to audience expectations of what they believe Latina identity to be. Molina-Guzmán (2010) does not focus only on mass media production as a response to social climate, but ex- tends her theory to include how to respond to and challenge Latinadad, giving voice and agency to target audiences. She explores audience responses through on-line forums as a means of symbolic rupture of these representa- tions, noting that ambiguous representation of ethnicity in media can en- courage multiple interpretations that reflect audience members’ own complex identities. This qualitative analytical framework of symbolic colo- nization/symbolic rupture applies also to examinations of non-native speaker of English representations and opportunities to respond critically to these portrayals in teacher education classrooms. The model of critical media analysis that I develop here draws on both transmission and symbolic orientations. From the former, I extrapolate con- tent analysis as a first step in identifying patterns in imagery and rhetoric in popular culture. From the latter, I connect this content to the maintenance of social attitudes that narrowly define and marginalize language-learners. When my teachers/students first see the stability of media representations, they gain a better understanding of the power of media as cultural story- tellers and become more open to critical engagement with mediated texts. Critical Media Analysis in Practice: The Case of a Non-Native Speaker of English in Popular Comedy Our new media cultures provide us with a plethora of choices for entertain- ment as well as formats and sources of production. Despite these choices, feature films produced by Hollywood, Bollywood, Sony Pictures, Canal+, and IFC, to name just a few, remain a bastion of the entertainment industry. Comedies produced by these industries in particular are a rich site for critical media analysis for several reasons. First, comedy often relies on widespread stereotypes to create characters quickly with whom the audience can identify. These stereotypes in fact must resonate strongly with viewers if they are to develop intriguing characters and stories. Second, despite superficial changes in character representations in the past few decades, stereotypes of foreigners and those with accented speech have remained as stable comedic devices in animations, television programs, and film, particularly in United States pro- ductions (Ricky Ricardo in I Love Lucy, Pepe le Pew and Speedy Gonzalez in Hanna Barbera cartoons, Fez in That 70’s Show, Raj in Big Bang Theory, Gloria in Modern Family, etc.). Third, comedy presents an interesting site where den- igrating people and cultures seems to be socially sanctioned, especially when justified by comments such as “everyone gets made fun of, so it’s okay.” In fact, the structure of comedy itself dismisses viewers from challenging neg- TESL CANADA JOURNAL/REVUE TESL DU CANADA 47 VOL. 29, NO 2, SPRING 2012 ative stereotypes or interpreting jokes as anything but harmless (Altman, 1987; Feuer, 1992; Rockler, 2002). Hall (1990) says that the presentation of racial humor in the comedic genre “ultimately protects and defends viewers from acknowledging their incipient racism” (p. 17). Not surprisingly, scholars have examined the strong presence of racial stereotypes in comedy and con- cluded that these images normalize racial differences and dissuade any chal- lenge or resistance to them (Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, 2005; Park, Gabbadon, & Chernin, 2006). Lippi-Green (2011), in particular, highlights the role of accent in Disney characters whose attractiveness and great appeal to audiences effectively masks linguistic stereotyping. In a way, comedy pres- ents itself as neutral and therefore immune to accusations of sexism, racism, and linguicism. In the following section I present a critical media analysis of a character in a popular Hollywood-produced comedy. Specifically, this study was in- tended for instructional use with an audience of inservice teachers (both ESL and in other content areas) who participate in professional development pro- grams in teaching English as a second language and intercultural communi- cation. In class I share the objective results of the content analysis with students and then guide them through a critical discussion of the social im- plications, allowing them to interpret, debate, and make connections to their own experiences. Here I offer a more formal and comprehensive presentation of the critical media analysis in order to illustrate fully the possibilities for classroom discussion and debate. Deconstructing Nazo In discussing stereotypes in popular media in my classes over the past few years, the name of one US comedian, Adam Sandler, came up repeatedly as an example of someone who incorporates well-worn stereotypes in appeal- ing characters in his movies, seemingly with great success as measured by worldwide box-office revenues. So with my students and on my own, I began to look more systematically at Sandler’s international success and represen- tations of non-native speakers of American English in his movies. Between 1995 and 2010, Sandler starred in over 15 movies, five of which grossed over $100 million in the North American box office. His 1999 film Big Daddy/Drôle de père remains Sandler’s top box-office-grossing film with initial releases in over 32 countries and now on DVD worldwide (IMDb, 2011). Big Daddy uses a native speaker of (American) English (NSE), Rob Schneider, to play a non- native speaker of English (NNSE) character, a role similar to those that Schneider plays in several of Sandler’s productions from 1998 to 2009 includ- ing Waterboy, Eight Crazy Nights, 50 First Dates, Click, I Now Pronounce you Chuck and Larry, Grandma’s Boy, Bedtime Stories, and You Don’t Mess with the Zohan (IMDb). Moreover, the character examined here in Big Daddy, Nazo, appears again played by Schneider in Sandler’s 2002 film Mr. Deeds. Typi- 48 CARLA CHAMBERLIN-QUINLISK cally, most of my students are already familiar with Big Daddy or can access it easily on cable or satellite television, computers, libraries, or DVD. The screenplay of Big Daddy tells the story of Sonny Kolfax (played by Sandler), a law school-educated young man living in New York. Sonny has avoided beginning his law career and is presented as irresponsible and non- committal to both career and relationships. In the beginning of the film, Sonny’s girlfriend breaks up with him. In order to prove his seriousness to her, Sonny finds himself taking care of a young boy, Julian. Sonny unexpect- edly grows fond of the boy and is inspired to get his act together, developing into a successful lawyer and committed father by the end of the film. From the beginning to the end, Sonny is often portrayed hanging out in his apart- ment with his friend Nazo (played by Schnieder), a restaurant delivery man whom Sonny has befriended. This analysis of Nazo consists of two layers. First, a content analysis of dis- course and social roles examines the language and interaction styles associated with this character and describes variables such as occupation, status of posi- tion, relationship to other characters, perceptions and performance of roles, non- verbal expression of roles, and privileges and obligations that are connected to Nazo’s character (Berger, 1998). Second, a cultural analysis presents Nazo’s character as part of a dialogic negotiation among producers, media consumers, and symbolic representations that place NNSE identity within a larger social framework. It is here that we can look at symbolic colonization/symbolic rup- ture (Molina-Guzmán, 2010). The digitized format of the film allowed for ver- batim transcription of all scenes in which Nazo appears, noting both verbal and nonverbal behaviors. The transcriptions were checked for accuracy by the prin- cipal researcher and two volunteer upper-division students in a media studies course. In addition, graduate and undergraduate students in communication and applied linguistics courses viewed video clips of Nazo’s scenes in the film and wrote down their initial impressions of the character. These descriptions consistently matched the researcher’s and raters’ interpretations of the character. Interrater consistency aside, this reading of Nazo’s identity is offered here as a model for critically engaging with media rather than a definitive interpretation. In any media-related activity, students should be encouraged to question and resist interpretations and formulate their own readings and counter-readings of the texts (Nowak et al., 2007). Looking at Content: Nazo’s Conversations and Social Role Nazo appears on screen a total of 12 times, mostly in short (5-30-second) scenes with little or no dialogue. Although his cumulative screen time is less than eight minutes, his character makes a consistent visual impact through- out the film. However, we learn little about Nazo. His place of residence and educational background are not mentioned. We never see Nazo in his own home. He is seen mostly in Sonny’s apartment and in three other scenes in TESL CANADA JOURNAL/REVUE TESL DU CANADA 51 VOL. 29, NO 2, SPRING 2012 apartment, on the witness stand in a courtroom, or at a party for Sonny, Nazo is always wearing his restaurant delivery uniform. All Sonny’s friends in the film are Caucasian males from law school, and the leading female roles include a doctor and a lawyer. Nazo stands out markedly as not belonging to this social milieu. Nazo never interacts in scenes with Sonny and his law-school friends. Interestingly, when Nazo serves as a character witness for Sonny in court, his testimony is intertwined with that of a mentally unstable homeless man who is cast in a small supporting role. Nazo is not involved in problem-solving or giving advice. Nazo’s relationship with Sonny, despite his significant presence, is quite different from those be- tween Sonny and the other characters in the movie. In the closing scene, which takes place a year later, Sonny’s lawyer friends are seen entering a restaurant for Sonny’s surprise party. Inside, they interact with one another. When Nazo appears, however, he is alone and talks briefly to Sonny only. From nonverbal clues, we can see that the other characters have moved on in their lives, but Nazo remains the same, still making his deliveries. As a comedic device, it is not surprising that a secondary character is por- trayed in such a one-dimensional way. After all, Nazo’s main job is to be funny, and the actor Rob Schnieder delivers this well. We should ask our- selves, however, why this character works so well as a non-native speaker of English. Would the character be as effective without the accent and all the stereotypes that go along with it? What is it about this character portrayal that makes him believable as a delivery man without the social and educa- tional resources for upward mobility? Such questions may be considered through the framework of symbolic colonization. Nazo as Part of a Larger Story (Symbolic Colonization) This section links the above characterizations of Nazo to a larger social cli- mate that maintains or challenges linguistic hierarchy. To begin, we must ask, Can these images, embedded in a comedic genre, be disregarded simply as entertainment? Nazo is a funny character, and Rob Schnieder shows talent in his delivery. However, the persistence of such unchallenged stereotypes and comedic devices intimates a level of comfort and acceptance that reflects the social climate in which this character and others like him are so success- ful. Specifically, Nazo’s role reflects broader social values and asks us to ques- tion how certain attitudes toward language are legitimized as dominant social narratives (Fiske, 1987; Molina-Guzmán, 2010; White, 1992). In general, the symbolic colonization of this character in a White professional milieu ex- poses the following cultural narratives: NNSEs can play a strong supporting role; NNSE-NSE relationships are inherently unequal; and, NNSEs lack the competence and/or ambition for personal or professional mobility. First, NNSEs cast in supporting roles reflect an acceptable position in so- cial hierarchy. Nazo is framed in a seemingly comfortable social space, not 52 CARLA CHAMBERLIN-QUINLISK only for himself but for everyone else. Nazo is an acceptable character be- cause he in no way challenges the trajectory of the main characters’ devel- opment, nor the denouement of the plot. For audience members who feel that “foreigners” are a threat to their employment, language, and national identity, Nazo is reassuringly kept in his place. As someone who does not appear to own anything or belong to a particular community, Nazo does not have much power in the social structure, and as such the “threat” of his pres- ence as a foreigner is minimized. A second story about NNSE portrayed in this medium is that the relation- ship between native and non-native speakers is inherently unequal, with the native speaker having more to offer to the relationship. As portrayed in this film, friendships between native speakers and non-native speakers are qual- itatively different from friendships among those who share a native language and social status. In reality, friendships are built on shared experiences and/or the ability to reciprocate trust, friendliness, self-disclosure, and so forth in a relationship (Duck & Pittman, 1994), yet these two characters have little in common on which they can build a friendship. On one hand, this un- likely friendship in some ways challenges stereotypes by presenting a rela- tionship based solely on companionship and trust. In the film, Nazo is the friend who is consistently around when Sonny interacts with the child. This indicates a certain level of trust. On the other hand, the clear separation be- tween Nazo and Sonny’s other friends reminds us that Nazo is different. Third, as part of the larger narrative of the movie, Nazo’s social position as a restaurant delivery person meshes comfortably with his perceived illit- eracy, naïveté, and lack of agency. Nazo shows little desire, ambition, or abil- ity to change his position. As described above, in one scene that addresses his potential for learning, Sonny shows Nazo some flash cards as if teaching him to read. When confronted with a word of more than four letters, Nazo becomes frustrated like a child and gives up. In another scene, Sonny uses Nazo to demonstrate a wrestling move. Nazo passes out and is left on the floor as Sonny and Julian walk away. In a later scene, Nazo is shown still lying unconscious on the floor. Although Sonny, the boy Julian, and other characters in the film display a range of emotional needs for love, success, acceptance, respect, and compassion, Nazo appears to need none of these. He is not portrayed or perceived as a self-actualized adult with emotional needs. His only emotional display is a childlike temperament. Finally, this media representation of NNSE identity tells us that language- learners lack competence or ambition for personal and professional mobility. The negative association between accented speech and incompetence that Nazo represents is unfortunately a reality for many speakers of varieties of English in our own and other professions where job competence may be judged by one’s native-language status. The TESOL profession currently challenges the hierarchy and fixed identities that are implied in the TESL CANADA JOURNAL/REVUE TESL DU CANADA 53 VOL. 29, NO 2, SPRING 2012 native/non-native speaker dichotomy (Amin, 1997; Braine, 1999; Faez, 2011; Flowerdew, 2001; Kamhi-Stein, 2004; Liu, 1999); yet in our mediascapes, a simplistic non-native-speaker identity is often unchallenged. Moreover, Nazo’s identity as linguistically inferior echoes international discussions of language policy that expose and unravel imperialistic and ethnocentric atti- tudes toward minority language rights in education, politics, and economics (Pennycook, 1994; Ricento, 2006; Tollefson, 2002; Wiley, 2004). In sum, these representations reflect Molina-Guzmán’s (2010) theory of symbolic coloniza- tion, and as such present opportunity for challenge and debate. Encouraging Conversations in the Classroom and Beyond (Symbolic Rupture) Through the example of Nazo in Big Daddy, I hoped to show that a critical approach to media resonates with language learning and teaching on many levels such as linguistic stereotyping, intercultural interactions, and explo- ration of social/controversial issues. Critical analysis of any form of media, from a one-page magazine ad or newspaper headline to a Web site or feature film, can open the door to rich and varied discussions of language, culture, and identity. The key to effective classroom discussion is to conduct an ob- jective content analysis; challenge students to examine the stories told through media and their relation to social climate; and provide opportunity for students to interrupt media messages through their own interpretations, stories, and responses. A character such as Nazo, whose low social status and perceived illiteracy are explicitly portrayed, nevertheless embodies an en- dearing presence on screen that is somehow heightened through his ethnic and racial ambiguity. It is in this ambiguity that students respond in various ways to this character. I use the framework of symbolic rupture to discuss students’ responses because it allows for interpretations that “destabilize dominant U.S. ethnic and racial classification of nationhood and citizenship” (Molina-Guzmán, 2010, p. 16). In other words, some students see the racial ambiguity of Nazo not as the essentialization of his “foreignness,” but as a growing acceptance of hybrid identities as part of a multicultural society. In addition, Nazo’s friendship with Sonny can be interpreted as crossing social and cultural boundaries that often limit social interactions. Multiple inter- pretations of Nazo in fact do surface in class discussions and must be woven into our analyses and discussions. One student, for example, felt strongly that Nazo represented a Latino culture and that his character was a positive portrayal because he appeared as the friend of the main character. She thought he was endearing, and was pleased that as a Latina herself, part of her identity was represented in this attractive character. For this student who had been bombarded with images of members of her culture as poor, uneducated, and prone to criminal behav- ior, her heightened awareness for the positive provided a much different 56 CARLA CHAMBERLIN-QUINLISK Feuer, J. (1992). Genre study and television. In R. C. Allen (Ed.), Channels of discourse reassembled: Television and contemporary criticism (pp. 138-160). Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Fiske, J. (1987). Television culture. New York: Routledge. Flowerdew, J. (2001). 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