The Conflict between European-Americans and Modoc Indians over Land, Study Guides, Projects, Research of Statistics

Download The Conflict between European-Americans and Modoc Indians over Land and more Study Guides, Projects, Research Statistics in PDF only on Docsity! WHEN CULTURES COLLIDE: EFFECTS OF STATE AND FEDERAL INDIAN POLICY UPON THE MODOC PEOPLE By Carrie Elizabeth Biggin Cook A Project Presented to The Faculty of Humboldt State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Education Committee Membership Dr. Gayle Olson-Raymer, Committee Chair Dr. Delores McBroome, Committee Member Dr. Eric Vanduzer, Committee Member December 2015 ii Abstract WHEN CULTURES COLLIDE: EFFECTS OF STATE AND FEDERAL INDIAN POLICY UPON THE MODOC PEOPLE Carrie Elizabeth Biggin Cook This project provides eighth grade students an opportunity to see another perspective from the era of American Westward Expansion. Students learn about Modoc culture from anthropological records, Modoc stories, and investing their own time in a construction project. They then compare perspectives that Modoc may have felt to those of soldiers and pioneers who first interacted with Modoc people. For generations, student textbooks as well as numerous Hollywood western movies depicting prosperous western pioneer towns fixed a mainstream perspective. When thinking of America’s expansion across the North American continent, many people envision rugged individuals and think of the refrain, “sea to shining sea,” heard in Bates’s America the Beautiful. Common Core aligned text books are only beginning to expose students to other perspectives from the time period. As Americans established a dominant presence in lands not part of America’s expanse many indigenous populations had adverse experiences. This project offers evidence to allow students to evaluate various perspectives and establish their own. v Also going above and beyond, I humbly thank friends and family who helped me day in and day out all through the entire process. Friends inquired about headway and were genuinely interested in my research findings. Thank you members of the Trinity County Indian Education Committee for help with research and revision. Dena Magdaleno, thank you for sharing your wisdom and cultural perspective during the research and writing of the literature review section. I truly appreciate the 12 years Cheewa James invested in her research for book, The Tribe That Wouldn’t Die. Katrina Sau-tau-nee thank you for the use of your personal library. Thank you JessieLynn, for helping me actually get to places of history. Thank you Debbie, Kim, Sunday, Jen, Evie, and Suzanne for always offering encouragement, appreciating creative lessons, and commiserating over the struggles encountered when balancing advanced coursework, hours of commuting, and family life on top of teaching full time. Undoubtedly my principal gratitude goes to my family who held everything together and not only offered encouragement but picked up all of the jobs Mom typically performed before the research, night classes, and writing made me a bit of a recluse. Thank you for believing in me. Charlie you amaze me in your certainty that I can accomplish so many goals. Thank you to Silas and Lori whose home became a lovely bed and breakfast throughout many Humboldt State weekend classes. And, thank you to my late Cousin, Catherine D. Scott, who valued higher education and aided my university tuition. This rich support network made it possible to immerse myself into the learning process. Thank you! vi vii Table of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ iii Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 Literature Review................................................................................................................ 4 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 4 Development of Federal Policy ...................................................................................... 6 Modoc Enter the American Story ................................................................................. 18 Expansion to Oregon and California ............................................................................ 23 The Modoc War of 1852 ............................................................................................... 30 Treaties and Compromise ............................................................................................. 35 Broken Promises ........................................................................................................... 46 Modoc War of 1872 – 1873 .......................................................................................... 53 After the War ................................................................................................................ 63 Method .............................................................................................................................. 67 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 67 Research Question ........................................................................................................ 68 Curriculum .................................................................................................................... 69 Overview of Instructional Delivery .............................................................................. 71 Eighth Grade Lesson Plan ................................................................................................. 73 Objectives ..................................................................................................................... 73 Academic Language ..................................................................................................... 73 x List of Appendices Appendix A Chronology ................................................................................................. 100 Appendix B Blackline Map of United States 1840 ......................................................... 117 Appendix C Vignette: “The Child’s Life” (James, 2008)............................................... 118 Appendix D Image, Model of Winter Home Wikiup ..................................................... 122 Appendix E Vignette: “The Killer Snow” (James, 2008) ............................................... 123 Appendix F Vignette: “The Healer” (James, 2008) ........................................................ 127 Appendix G Congressional Document, Applegate Correspondance 1872 ..................... 131 Appendix H Correspondance from E. Steele 1873 ........ 1Error! Bookmark not defined.4 Appendix I Excerpts from official transcript of the Trial of the Modoc Indians ............ 142 Appendix J Example News Articles for DBQ ................................................................ 146 Sacramento Daily Union, Volume 22, Number 3274, 25 September 1861 ................ 148 Abstract of Approved Laws Marysville Daily Appeal, Volume V, Number 103, 30 April 1862 ................................................................................................................... 148 Sacramento Daily Union, Volume 24, Number 3704, 4 February 1863 .................... 149 Sacramento Daily Union, Volume 24, Number 3717, 19 February 1863 .................. 150 Marysville Daily Appeal, Volume IX, Number 44, 23 February 1864 ...................... 150 Marysville Daily Appeal, Volume VIII, Number 134, 6 December 1863 ................. 151 Appendix K Blackline Map of United States 1870 ........................................................ 150 Appendix L Student Education Standards……………………………………………..151 1 Introduction It may be true that the story of history is too vast to be completely recounted in history text books. However, there are aspects of United States history that are blatantly absent. One such shortcoming is the story of the indigenous people living across the North American continent during the period that the United States expanded westward. It is easy to locate images of prosperity and nobility in the dominant culture as the United States grew in territory and prowess. Manifest Destiny is recognized as an ordained superiority which justified conquering others. But, those others were here first and have a very different story to tell that is not commonly explored in students’ history texts. The purpose of this thesis project is to discover the conditions and attitudes that existed at the time non-Indian people were moving westward, claiming new lands in the name of the United States. To gain an accurate picture of what was really going on during the era of Expansion and Reform (1801-1861), this project focuses on one tribe, Modoc, whose first experiences with non-Indian settlers resulted in written and pictorial accounts. The resulting documentation and the suddenness of the encounter between non-Indian and Modoc provide opportunities for student researchers to analyze “contact history:” including causation and outcomes. After completing the lessons included herein, students will be able to articulate their own interpretation of the effects of westward movement on native communities with specific examples to support their views. The Literature Review section discusses state and federal policies leading up to the relocation of the Modoc people. Readers will notice changing public opinions toward 2 native peoples over this period. It includes early federal Indian policy, with examples that are representative of the attitudes during this time period and the stages of land acquisitions that occurred. As Modoc enter the American story, state policies, local practices and their interpretations by individuals set the scene. Students explore the differences in cultural norms that lay the groundwork for the Modoc War of 1872. The policies that divide the tribe as they are conquered by Americans who successively take the indigenous lands are examined along with the motivations and actions exiling half of the Modoc tribe to Indian Country as prisoners of war. Cultural conflict arising from the lack of appreciation for cultural differences, is the main focus of my thesis. Currently, student textbooks lack this cultural perspective which reduces students’ ability to truly understand the way expansion evolved and how it affected tribes such as the Modoc. California eighth grade students broadly study the role of government across the entire United States; as such students have little opportunity for in depth analysis of governmental policy. This thesis project allows students to evaluate the implications of government policy and the era of expansion and reform as those affected real people of the period: indigenous, pioneering, and governing. Students will see that each group of people had its own world view which at times conflicted with the needs and wants of others. The Methods section outlines the early process for researching policy and culture. As the research became more specific, it was exciting discovering details about the Lost River region and Modoc culture. This section tells about the motivation behind creating 5 American Indian also appear in literature, though less frequently. Also, the term emigrant predominantly appeared in the literature reviewed. For consistency the term emigrant is used here. An emigrant is a person that leaves their homeland never to return again (such as those leaving the settled areas of the U.S. to settle in new lands) whereas an immigrant is a person entering a new country to take up permanent residence. For the purpose of this literature review, it is appropriate to identify those early non-Indians entering the Modoc area as emigrants. The first section, “Development of Federal Policy,” establishes precedents in the development of the United States’ federal policy when Americans began their rapid westward expansion and westward movement. Federal policy changed as Americans increased their mobility. Indian policy had to adapt as the United States expanded its boundary west to the Pacific Ocean. This leads to the second section, “Modoc Enter the American Story,” which describes the entrance of the Modoc into Euro-American history. Before westward expansion the Modoc had no contact with non-Indian people. The third section, “Expansion to Oregon and California,” describes federal and state policy addressing conflict as those territories were added to the United States. The forth section, “The Modoc War of 1852,” examines a policy of extermination in what historians have named “The So-Called Modoc War.” “Treaties and Compromises,” reviews the treaties and compromises made by Modoc and American parties in attempts to balance cultural differences, and describes efforts made by the Modoc to live by the rules of the treaties. The sixth section, “Broken Promises,” analyzes the consequences of broken treaties. The final section, “After the War,” describes the milieu of 1872 and 1873 6 when the Modoc ceased submitting to dominion and stood up for what they had always known as their way of life. This literature review ends with the Modoc tribe separated by hundreds of miles. During this period half of the tribe had their identity taken from them for 35 years until the remaining survivors were allowed to reunite. The Modoc Nation with its geographic and political isolation gives a focal point to the negative effects American federal and state policy had upon traditional culture. Their ancestral homelands spanned 5,000 square miles of territory in both California and Oregon from their summer hunting area around Mount Shasta east and north to Goose Lake. Development of Federal Policy The experience of American Indians in relation to the development of the United States is not the story of progress and the pursuit of happiness (Calloway, 2008). Available Indian history is often considered contact history because their story began to be recorded by people of European influence only at the point the latter established contact (Washburn, 1987). Prior to colonists declaring themselves a republic, American Indians experienced a succession of European powers arriving to extract resources from the American continent (Heiser, 1978). These early years were filled with political struggles for land control during which Indian tribes sometimes allied their efforts with various European interests (Calloway, 2008; Tyler, 1973). European powers used tribal nations as political and military pawns as they struggled for superiority (Faulk, 1988). As a result, when nation building began, federal rationale persuaded Indian tribes to remain neutral to foreign influence while the United States established its autonomy from Britain 7 (Sturtevant, 1988). Initially, the 1775 Continental Congress handled policy by creating an Indian department which divided American Indian tribes into three geographic regions: Northern, Middle, and Southern (Sturtevant, 1988). Early Indian policy reacted to adjusting situations (Ellison, 1913). Federal policy affecting Indians continuously changed as the United States developed (Hurtado, 1988; Nelson, 1979). In Article IX of the Articles of Confederation, the United States federal government gave itself sole and exclusive rights to deal with Indian tribes (Sturtevant, 1988). However, these articles also acknowledged an exception to federal rights pertaining to Indian affairs within state jurisdictions (Articles of Confederation, 1777). Beyond state interests, many foreign and domestic entities wanted control over Indian resources (Sturtevant, 1988). Additionally, British Canada to the north and Spanish Florida to the south encouraged Indian resistance toward the confederated United States (Calloway, 2008). Individuals living within the United States’ borders also tried to gain control over Indian people, their land, and its resources (Calloway, 2008; Marks, 1988) In 1787, the Confederation began to change the assumptions upon which they had based their Indian policy (Sturtevant, 1988). Secretary of War, Henry Knox, argued that because Indians were the prior occupants of the land, alienation of Indians from their land would be a gross violation of the fundamental laws of nature (Sturtevant, 1988). During this period of United States history, Congress outlined westward expansion plans in Article III of the 1787 Northwest Ordinance stating that the “utmost good faith” would be observed that lands and property would never be taken without consent of the Indians (Sturtevant, 1988). During this early period the United States government denounced 10 Whites to each have ample living areas (Faulk, 1988). Some tribes willingly agreed to give up their lands for other lands in the west (Hurtado, 1988). The United States’ population expansion encouraged citizens to pressure Congress to obtain and make Indian land available to Whites (Marks, 1988). This predicament repeated itself each time the United States expanded its boundaries (Hurtado, 1988). The good intentions toward Indians expressed in early federal policy required an inconvenient financial investment on the part of Americans to pay for trade with Indians, the purchase of Indian land for American settlement, and military defense when conflicts developed (Sturtevant, 1988). In 1803, Jefferson wrote to William Henry Harrison explaining how relocation and dependence upon the factory system would eventually dispossess Indians of their lands (Calloway, 2008). …they will perceive how useless to them are their extensive forests, and will be willing to pare them off from time to time in exchange for necessaries for their farms and families … we shall push our trading houses, and be glad to see the good and influential individuals run into debt, because we observe that when these debts get beyond what the individuals can pay they become willing to lop them off by a cession of lands. (Thomas Jefferson as cited in Calloway, 2008, p. 230). In 1824, in his annual message, President Monroe declared to Congress that the only solution to the Indian problem was to induce Indians to move west (Sturtevant, 1988). Congress followed Monroe’s suggestion, and in 1830 President Jackson signed the Indian Removal Act into law (Appleby, 2006). Remaining tribes of the east were then forced west under military guard (Hurtado, 1988). Numerous Indian tribes were lumped together in what was referred to as Indian Territory west of the Mississippi (Calloway, 11 2008). Section 3 of the Indian Removal Act forever guaranteed Indians the land (Indian Removal Act of 1830). And be it further enacted, That in making any such exchange or exchanges, it shall and may be lawful for the President solemnly to assure the tribe or nation with which the exchange is made, that the United States will forever secure and guaranty to them, and their heirs or successors, the country so exchanged with them…(Indian Removal Act of 1830, United States Statutes at Large, 21st Cong., Sess. I, Chp. 148, p. 411-412) Seven years after Congress passed the Indian Removal Act to solve the United States’ so-called Indian problem, a financial panic overwhelmed the nation (Foner, 2009). Years of depression followed, and westward migration steadily increased into the lands that had previously been reserved for Indians (Foner, 2009). Settlers found new economic and social beginnings by moving west (Appleby, 2003). Other settlers went west for religious reasons (Clark, 1981). Period art illustrated imagery of Lady Liberty leading settlers in their great migrations westward which reflected the American attitude that a divine power intended for Americans to move west (Appleby, 2003). As Americans moved west, it was the Army’s responsibility to ensure citizens’ safety along travel routes (Foner, 2009). They used force to control Indians throughout the country. In 1834, the War Department after the establishment of its own Indian Office, created the Bureau of Indian Affairs (4 US Stat. 735). The BIA then became part of the newly created Department of the Interior in 1849 (Calloway, 2008). Because the Department of the Interior had jurisdiction over areas of government not neatly classified into other existing departments it was sometimes referred to as the department of everything else (Cahill, 2011). No longer housed within the War Department, the Bureau 12 of Indian Affairs was staffed by persons who generally had an appreciation for Indian habits and customs which resulted in a better working relationship between cultures (James, 2008). However, even with individuals who appreciated Indians and federal policies that professed to provide for Indians’ best interests, the reality of Indian life was dire (Powers, 1976). Reviewing the development of federal Indian policy reveals multiple approaches. European nations came to North America with an attitude of supreme authority which was replicated as the United States established nation status. The Continental Congress first established an Indian Department which had its authority explained in the Articles of Confederation. Later the United States Constitution clarified absolute federal authority for all agreements and/or trade with Indian people. The federal government sought to protect Indian people from predatory practices of non-Indians. However, this practice conveyed that non-Indian people knew what was best for Indian people. Soon federal military relocated entire tribes away from their homelands to make way for expanding American populations. Initially, the Indian Department was securely operated within the War Department. The question of how to deal with the original inhabitants of the land became an increasing problem. The United States created the Bureau of Indian Affairs which was transferred into a newly created Department of the Interior. Beginning in the 1800s, the United States experienced rapid change: technology grew by leaps and bounds, emigration increased, and the nation claimed large expanses of Indian land (Howe, 2007). The rapidly increasing American population needed places to live. United States citizens pioneered westward across North America in search of 15 traditional grasses, but burning of range land was detrimental to ranchers (Hurtado, 1988). State and federal acts, which led to increased American populations in Indian country, put Indian tribes at odds with whites and brought an end to an era of Indian nomadic existence (Quinn, 1997). By 1850, only two years after the United States acquired Californian lands from Mexico through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, it was clear that the federal government needed to intervene on behalf of native people (Nelson, 1978). In the 1850s, Congressional allocations for treaty negotiations and ensuing tribal allotments were repeatedly reduced and sometimes completely revoked (Bancroft, 1888). Indian agents traveled throughout the Pacific Northwest negotiating for Indian lands and making treaty agreements which would never be funded (Nelson, 1978). Negotiators sought to locate reservations between mining areas and agricultural lands so that citizens could monitor and report on the activities of Indian populations (Hurtado, 1988). Eighteen California treaties and nineteen Oregon treaties were not ratified by Congress (Hurtado, 1988). At the time, Washington bureaucrats, businessmen, army officers, Indian agents and even so-called tribal chiefs created rings of fraud (Marks, 1998). Humanitarian protests did little to slow the corruption (Marks, 1998; Sturtevant, 1988). Provisioning contractors charged the government exorbitant rates and often times arrived with only a fraction of the amount described in the treaty (Eargle, 1992). Indian agents did not have necessary supplies to care for the people in their charge (Meacham, 1875; Sturtevant, 1988). Agents were reduced to appeasing Indians with food and goods as they tried to mitigate the ravages of war upon the Indian people (Sturtevant, 1988). Steps 16 were taken to move Indians onto reservations where they could inexpensively be kept out of the way of White commerce as much as for the protection of Indian people (Nelson, 1978). While the federal government fell short in fulfilling its side of treaty negotiations, it is well documented that Indian tribes who had negotiated a formal settlement with federal agents, confined themselves to their treaty stipulations as they awaited congressional approval and presidential declaration (Murray; 1959; Nelson, 1978; Norton, 1979; Stern, 1966). During the reservation period, the need to reform the Bureau of Indian Affairs was exposed (Calloway, 2008; Sturtevant, 1988). Influential people, both in and out of Congress, publicized the extent of the agency’s deficiencies and corruption (Sturtevant, 1988). Congress established a Board of Indian Commissioners in 1869 to investigate conditions on reservations and curb mismanagement (Callaway, 2008). In addition, Congress recognized that ex-soldiers did not consistently have Indians’ best interests in mind; consequently, they passed legislation that prohibited military officers from serving in civilian capacities (Sturtevant, 1988). This created a problem for President Ulysses Grant who had begun assigning surplus army officers as political appointees in the Indian service (Sturtevant, 1988). Grant’s actions summarized intentions of his first two Indian affairs policies: first, that the agent was more important than the Indian, and second, that it was cheaper to feed the Indian than to fight him (Murray, 1959). The work of managing Indians still needed to be done, and Ulysses Grant turned to faith-based groups to meet the need (Meacham, 1875). The Peace Policy, as it became known, utilized churchmen as 17 agents who, for a time, brought an element of humanitarianism to Indian Affairs (Calloway, 2008). Indian Territory faced increasing encroachments as Congress enacted other policies pertaining to non-Indian citizenry and commerce (Marks, 1998). As the United States’ borders expanded west, the federal government gave United States citizens land for settling (Land Grant May 20, 1862). The 1862 Homestead Act granted title of 160 acres to every homesteader who paid $10 and completed 5 years of land occupation (Appleby, 2006). Additionally, Congress chartered with railroad companies in the 1860s to build the first transcontinental railroad (Appleby, 2006). Legislation continued shifting away from recognition of Indian political sovereignty (Marks, 1998). By 1871, Indian negotiation power crumbled further when Congress determined that tribes would no longer be recognized as individual nations (Dillon, 1973). Even more limiting, an 1873 order by the Secretary of the Interior required all Indians to obtain a special written permit from their governing agent before being able to leave their assigned reservation (Marks, 1998; Meacham 1875). Policy affecting American Indians became more confused as the United States expanded west. Before and during the advancements in communication and transportation, the distant, central government could only provide limited federal oversight and enforcement. Additionally, some policies contradicted other policies, and the interpretation was left to the individuals present. Clearly, the application of law was often not consistent with the intent of federal leadership in Washington, DC. The next section introduces one of many western Indian nations, the Modoc Nation, into the 20 (Boyer, 2001). The Modoc put great importance upon the role of spirits in all aspects of Modoc life (Boyer, 2001). Therefore when the first non-Indians appeared to the Modoc, they hid, assuming that evil spirits had been sent to punish their tribe (Riddle, 1914). First contact was made with traders who introduced them to the trading system (Bancroft, 1888). Modoc ventured out of their territory to participate in Indian trading where they came into contact with Europeans and European customs (Stern, 1965). By the 1830s, explorers had penetrated inland tribal territories for purposes of trade but brought with them diseases spread along developing trade routes and depleted large percentages of many tribes (Forbes, 1969; Nelson, 1978). It is important to note that western tribes were generally smaller in number than tribes of the plains, so they were not as able to stave off physical attack (Sturtevant, 1988). The 1840s also brought smallpox epidemics to Oregon tribes as migrant settlers came into contact with Indians along emigrant routes (Bancroft, 1888). Many tribes, including the Modoc, lost twenty-five to fifty percent of their populations (James, 2008). Some tribes of the Columbia River Valley of present day Oregon died out entirely (James, 2008). Trade also introduced new wealth into the subsistence economy which then changed power structures (Sturtevant, 1988). It was the younger men who tended to make the long journey required for trading; the experiences gained by this enterprise transferred traditional generational roles within the tribe (Stern, 1965). The young traders returned with new diction and styles of dress giving them prestige (Stern, 1965). For tribes, changes in trade habits increased desire for material wealth; new clothing, language, and tools changed tribal value systems by allocating prestige to the bearer of 21 new ways of living (Murray, 1959). Younger men began to command greater authority within their tribe (Stern, 1965.) Prestige created a power transfer as the people shifted their support from elder leaders to the younger men (Murray, 1959). Unlike some other tribes, Modoc did not have abundant fur bearing animals to generate excesses for trade purposes (Faulk, 1988). Their land’s volcanic past did not sustain the large populations of fur-bearing animals sought by European traders (Stern, 1965). Greed for wealth and power encouraged Modoc raiding upon their neighbors (Powers, 1976). The resulting bounty from raids upon neighboring tribes soon fueled the Modoc trade-based economy (Dillon, 1973). They were an entirely practical people who made decisions founded on survival (Faulk, 1988). Their economy, including trade, was fueled by other sustaining activities: hunting, gathering, fishing, and raiding other tribes for food and supplies (Stern, 1965). Trade and raiding were among the few reasons for Modoc to interact beyond their own territorial limits (Stern, 1965). The Modoc’s geographic isolation did not hinder participation in the prolific slave trafficking commerce between the Sacramento Valley of California and The Dalles of Washington (Forbes, 1969). Though the Modoc conducted very few raids annually, they commanded a fearsome reputation (Stern, 1965). The slaves, mostly women, were traded for horses and guns (Dillon, 1973). Generally, they sold their captives to their Klamath neighbors to the north (James, 2008). Known almost exclusively for their participation in intertribal slave trading, the Modoc were stigmatized with a reputation as warring savages (James, 2008; Powers, 1976). Neighboring tribes 22 seldom ventured into Modoc lands because they feared these skilled fighters (Quinn, 1997). However, the Modoc people were shy about newcomers (Riddle, 1914). The first outsiders actually passed through Modoc homeland peacefully, as was the case for explorer John Fremont in 1843 (Dillon, 1973). However, in 1846, Fremont was ambushed as he traversed the Lost River area (Faulk, 1988). Fremont attributed the attack to the Klamaths to the north, but an Oregon pioneer, Lindsey Applegate, in the area at the same time, blamed the attack on the Modoc (Dillon, 1973). Lindsey was in Modoc country seeking a wagon route to offset the Hudson’s Bay Company trade route dominance throughout Indian lands (Murray, 1959). In the late 1840s there were many reported murders along overland trails that were attributed to the Modoc along with the neighboring southern tribe of Pit River Indians (Dillon, 1973). At this time the Modoc had joined the Umpqua, Rogue Rivers, Pit Rivers, Klamath tribes to fight off White invasion into Oregon (Dillon, 1973). Disease and defeat had quelled efforts to drive the Whites out of Oregon (Dillon, 1973; James, 2008). The south fork of the Oregon Trail went through Modoc country and so placed increased pressure on the Modoc which led to conflict and war (Dillon, 1973). But by 1857, relations became peaceful as exemplified by a trader from Yreka, California who repeatedly visited Modoc to successfully trade his beads, fabric, metal, and tobacco (Boyer, 2001; Dillon, 1973). The Modoc continued to maintain traditional tribal organization although they began to wear their hair cut short, dressed in White fashion, and ventured into neighboring towns to participate in work and trade (Dillon, 1973; James, 2008). 25 2009). To maintain regional influence, settlers sent letters back to the states calling for reinforcements to populate American land interests (Bancroft, 1888; Clark, 1981). Presenting a similar message, President Polk campaigned with a call for the nation to take control of Oregon even if that meant a fight with Britain; less publicly he also advocated for military action to take California from Mexico (Foner, 2009). Further exciting American interests in populating western regions, Russia announced that its empire extended from Alaska south to Oregon Territory (Appleby, 2009). Americans with interests in the Pacific Northwest pled for national support (Clark, 1981; Foner, 2009). Congress responded and the United States funded transportation projects, increased support for industry, and encouraged continual westward settlement (Foner, 2009; Howe, 2007). The boundaries claimed as possessions of the United States quickly stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans (Hakim, 2003, Howe, 2007). Additions to the United States’ land holdings came at the detriment of Indian people (Calloway, 2008; Foner, 2009). For example, the United States bought Florida in 1819 but followed it with forced relocation of tribes from their homelands (Hakim, 2003). As the United States increased its borders throughout the era of Manifest Destiny, the rights of indigenous tribes to continue living on their land became threatened (Foner, 2009). Indian people noticed that Whites were as powerful as they were plentiful (Dillon, 1973). It was devastating for Indian people to be forced to leave ancestral homelands because a policy declared that the land ownership was held by Americans (Powers, 1976). 26 As Anglo populations built up, disagreements over authority increased (Stern, 1966). Non-Indians in the jointly held Oregon Country noticed that the balance of authority was shifting towards British superiority which alarmed American missionaries, entrepreneurs, and settlers of the region (Clark, 1981). Oregon had actually entered into the United States’ expansion story as part of an 1818 agreement declaring joint occupation between Britain and the United States (Appleby, 2006). Early settlers established economic trading relationships with Indian tribes throughout the region (Stern, 1965). Britain’s increasingly influential Hudson’s Bay Company maintained just and friendly trade relations when they conducted business (Stern, 1965). Hudson’s Bay Company’s success, and therefore strength, was underpinned by the furnishing of weaponry and alcohol to Indian tribes (Bancroft, 1888). The United States’ Trade and Intercourse Acts strictly limited such trade options for American citizens (Sturtevant, 1988). However, policies of the United States did not apply in regions not wholly controlled by the United States resulting in an unfair advantage to British traders (Sturtevant, 1988). Americans did not want to be excluded from profitable opportunities (Dillon, 1973). The United States negotiated with Britain for control of Oregon Country through the Treaty of 1846 (Napp, 2001). Then, having become an official territory of the United States, provisions contained in the Trade and Intercourse Acts took effect (Sturtevant, 1988). No longer could Hudson’s Bay Company furnish ammunition or alcohol to Indians (Bancroft, 1988). Federal limitations greatly decreased Britain’s, particularly the Hudson’s Bay Company’s, influence over Indian conduct (Bancroft, 1888). 27 Settlers traveling west to expand America were viewed as brave, enterprising men and women utilizing a land promised to them by providence (Applegate, 1895). Period art reflected the attitude that Americans were sharing a great gift by spreading Christian civility across the continent (Foner, 2009). Even with providence on their side, the reality was that traversing the early transcontinental route across the Blue Mountains and along the Columbia Gorge was excessively dangerous (Clark, 1981). Additionally, previously established routes were still controlled by British subjects who levied tolls for passage (Dillon, 1973). In an effort to establish national infrastructure, new emigrant roads were sought for easier access into Oregon (Bancroft, 1888; Hakim, 2003). One such route was found in 1846 by the Applegate-Scott exploration party (Bancroft, 1888, Dillon, 1973). The Applegates, who came to southern Oregon with the Great 1843 Migration, suffered the loss of family members along the Columbia Gorge (Bancroft, 1888, Dillon, 1973). Acting upon their sense of American patriotism, the Applegates blazed an alternant, southern route for fellow Americans navigating west (Bancroft, 1888). Popular travel routes developed in southern Oregon traversed areas of the densest Indian populations (Dillon, 1973). The resulting trail, known as the Applegate Trail or South Emigrant Road, passed right through Modoc homelands and quickly filled with covered wagons (Bancroft 1888; Dillon, 1973). People poured into Oregon in search of fertile farm lands which promised plentiful prosperity (Clark, 1981). Then, in 1849, gold was discovered in California. Migration swelled as speculators headed to the gold fields in California (Foner, 2009). 30 added human presence exhausted the land’s resources: hunting, fishing, and gathering grounds (Stern, 1965). In just 50 years, the United States transformed from a new country limited to the Atlantic seaboard to a world power holding title across the continent from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean. Settlers filled the newly acquired territories in the name of Christian and national duty. They built roads and funded forces to defend American interests. The Indian tribes living on the land before Americans claimed ownership were pushed aside. The Modoc were one of the tribes forced into the American story. The next section shows the manifestation of the hatred Whites brought west as interests intensify and American citizens solidify authority over the land and its occupants. The Modoc War of 1852 The discovery of gold intensified the number of White pioneer settlers who passed through Modoc lands (Sturtevant, 1988). The huge numbers of newcomers simply outnumbered the small tribes and bands who already existed in a weakened state (Sturtevant, 1988). An estimated 12,000 emigrants reached the territory by 1852; most of those had traveled along the South Emigrant Road, passing directly through Modoc country (Clark, 1981). Indians increasingly resisted the American invasion of their lands (Bancroft, 1888). Wagon trains filled with emigrants used up available natural resources that native people relied upon for subsistence (Stern, 1865). Indian assaults on non- Indians were often retaliatory (Calloway, 2008; Marks, 1988; Sturtevant, 1988). Newspapers ran entertainment stories describing revenge attacks Indians were planning to execute upon miners for which miners would obliterate all villages within range (1851, 31 July 16). Tribes understood that their hunting grounds were being depleted and attacked wagon trains for supplemental resources, capturing provisions as well as prisoners to be sold into the slave market (Murray, 1959). As noted earlier, the Modoc raided passing wagon trains as part of their subsistence economy (Faulk, 1988). Conflicts between Indian and non-Indian people became more common and several Indian attacks upon emigrants were reported (1855, October 26; 1857, April 9). Many conflicts were actually White on Indian though news reports of the time did not identify aggressors with consistent accuracy (James, 2008; Marks, 1988). Military officers were vital to maintain peaceful relations between Indian and non-Indian cultures, but settlers far exceeded manageable amounts (Shirley, 1957). Some Whites openly expressed desire that Indians should be phased out through extermination of their race (1851, August 15). In the 1840s, these early settlers did not hesitate to use their guns upon Indians they met (Nelson, 1979). The men coming into the mining regions of Northern California were some of the most ruthless killers (Johnston-Dodds, 2002). “The greater the ruffian the better the soldier,” and the soldiers were ruffians (Miller, 1873, p. 392). Paid militias were formed to rid the land of Indian inhabitants (Johnston-Dodds, 2002). Military officials killed several groups of Klamath during the pursuit of Modoc rebels (Stern, 1965). Appointed federal personnel campaigned to exterminate Indians (Dillon, 1973). Chiloquin, a Klamath leader at the time, explained that even if the Klamath felt like avenging the death of the people, they knew they could not contend against the White for long (Stern, 1965). They had learned that Whites were as numerous as the trees on the mountains (Stern, 1965). Natives of both California and in the Oregon 32 territory were hunted for sport and killed without any punishment for the murderers (Marks, 1998). The newcomers intended to gain power and prestige by taking the land and its resources (Hakim, 2003; James, 2008). However, to the Modoc, giving up their land, their home, and their way of life was incomprehensible (James, 2008). The Modoc did not amiably step aside when the White people flooded into their territory (Dillon, 1973). In late summer of 1850, a massacre of eighty or more settlers moving through Modoc country along the South Emigrant route sparked Whites into action (Secrest, 2003). Settlers were known to systematically exaggerate the danger from Indians making it difficult for the Army to accurately protect its citizenry (Quinn, 1997) and other accounts recorded fewer dead (James,2008; Stern, 1965). The attack occurred in a geographical area providing attackers rock cover above a shore line where weary settlers often camped as they traveled the South Emigrant Road (Stern, 1965). Settlers in Modoc country raised a volunteer militia to revenge the deaths and petitioned the federal government for assistance to protect emigrants coming into Southern Oregon and Northern California (Bancroft, 1888; Secrest, 2003). Volunteers came from all around to assist in killing Indian people. In 1851 a company arrived from Crescent City, California carrying flags with brightly stitched lettering: EXTERMINATION (Most, 2006). Soon many such flags could be seen paraded through White settlements of Siskiyou County (Most, 2006). The volunteers found villages and killed Indian inhabitants (James, 2008; Most, 2006; Secrest, 2003). A Yreka, California, vigilante party continued hunting rebellious Indians for several months (Secrest, 2003). Winter was upon the group when 35 The next section will examine ways in which the federal government worked at getting land title away from the Modoc people. It will also show the extent to which the Modoc repeatedly compromised with American demands in an effort to preserve Modoc identity. Treaties and Compromise Policy in the last half of the nineteenth century used treaties to place Indian tribes onto reservations (Marks, 1998; Sturtevant, 1988). The purpose of such an arrangement was to transform Indian societies into a replica of the dominant White society (Stern, 1965; Sturtevant, 1988). The federal government negotiated with Indian tribes and created treaties intent on extinguishing Indian title to land by regularly moving tribes off of lands valued by Whites (Marks, 1998). As discussed previously, the Commerce Clause of the United States’ Constitution specified procedures for obtaining Indian land. The federal government preferred to negotiate rather than wage war, but physical distance from the capital in Washington, D.C., made treaty negotiation and implementation difficult (Calloway, 2008). After Mexico’s cessation of California in 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo required that Indians have the same protections provided under Mexican law (Sturtevant, 1988). However, the Mexican system that included Indian participation in governance was soon replaced with the Anglo-American policy of Indian Removal and practice of outright extermination (Forbes, 1975). American government at both state and federal levels sought to remove Indians from their native Indian lands (Calloway, 2008; Marks,1988; Norton, 1979). The president appointed a superintendent of Indian Affairs and agents with the objective to 36 negotiate treaties to dispossess Indians of their lands (Bancroft, 1888). Not all White men agreed with the dominant approach. For example, one appointed agent noticed that Americans were purposefully destroying Indian cultures in the midst of their huge land grab and even attemped to mediate the injustice (Raphael, 1993). However, it was Congress who authorized agents and commissioners for Oregon Territory and the newly created state of California (Sturtevant, 1988). They had ultimate control over these assigned federal representatives and any subsequent agreements those folks drafted. In 1850, California’s constitution detailed how the governor would organize and fund militias to conduct expeditions against Indians (Johnston-Dobbs, 2002). The first governor to the state adamantly insisted that Indians needed to be eradicated (Nelson, 1976; “Who We Are,” 2012). News articles of the time period reflected this position. State reimbursements were allocated for many of the expenditures incurred in fighting Indians (Johnston-Dobbs, 2002; Sturtevant, 1988). For the bulk of Americans, rapid acquisition of land with the complete removal of Indian presence became more important than utopian civilization of Indian people (Sturtevant, 1988 As a result of the rapid incursion of White settlers, the federal government created a series of reservations in the early 1850s, as much to protect Indians from White violence as to lay claim to Indian lands (Calloway, 2008). In 1851, President Fillmore further decreased the amount of useful land obligated to reservations by requiring that tribes be lumped together (Nabokov, 1979). Finding locations away from White settlement became a challenge once the influx of immigrants began (Norton, 1979). When eighteen treaties negotiated in California between 1851-1853 went to Congress for 37 ratification, California citizens cried foul, claiming the reservations would be too costly to operate and the land too valuable to be given away (Nelson, 1978). Political differences directed federal decisions in favor of the reigning political principles (Raphael, 1993). A California delegation ensured that the eighteen treaties were hidden away from public knowledge (“Who We Are,” 2012). Public disclosure of the rejection of the treaties negotiated in California during the 1860s was not revealed to the public until 1905 (“Who We Are,” 2012). Throughout bureaucratic processing delays, citizens dealt with matters in their own way (Dillon, 1973). The west coast’s population was exploding (Appleby, 2006; Foner, 2009). Also exploding were the number of violent acts upon Indian people (James, 2008; Murray, 1959; Norton, 1979; Raphael, 1993). The aggressive acts were similar to attacks upon the Modoc which were discussed previously. However, not everyone was out to destroy Indian people. Some Americans desired appeasement for Indians. Missionaries moved west with well intentioned aims (Bancroft, 1888; Clark, 1981; Meacham 1875). Viewing Indians as savages and heathens, missionaries sought to convert Indians to Christianity (Magdaleno, personal communication, November 29, 2012; Most, 2006). Across the United States, similar to today’s political arena, watchdog groups spoke out when the government appeared to wrong specific groups (Foner, 2009). Humanitarian groups lobbied the federal government on behalf of the Indian (Foner, 2009). Within the Department of Indian Affairs, positions were sometimes filled with conscientious individuals (James, 2008; Meacham, 1875; Raphael, 1993). One such individual was Redick McKee, one of 40 Oregon officials (James, 2008). The federal government had other plans for Modoc land and its people. A federal policy, known as the reservation system, intentionally removed Indians from their homelands to out of the way locations (Marks, 1998). In 1864, the United States Commissioner of Indian Affairs authorized Oregon Superintendent J.W. Perit Huntington to negotiate a treaty with the Modoc that would remove them from their Lost River homeland area (Murray, 1959). Huntington arranged treaty proceedings at Council Bluffs in Southern Oregon (James, 2008). Huntington followed policy expectations to extinguish Modoc title to their ancestral land (Murray, 1959). Of the tribes assembled and represented in the October 1864 treaty at Council Bluffs, only the Modoc were not allowed any of their ancient homelands (Stern, 1966). Old Chief Schonchin signed the treaty on behalf of the Modoc people Stern 1966). Reluctantly, his younger brother John Schonchin and Kientpoos, known to Whites as Captain Jack, also signed (Dillon, 1973). Captain Jack purposely provided his Indian name in the October treaty negotiation but fully knew what his mark upon the agreement meant (Meacham, 1875). The resulting treaty committed the Modoc to surrender all of their homelands and coexist on the Klamath Agency reservation with members of the Snake tribe and unfriendly Klamath relatives (James, 2008). In October 1864, Modoc bands moved to the assigned Klamath Agency (Faulk, 1988). The authorized treaty officially placed three tribes together into one reservation because the thinking of the time was that the tribes’ theoretical similarities encouraged peaceful coexistence (Faulk, 1988). That idea was not correct. 41 Nevertheless, the Modoc were obligated to stay in Oregon in a state of enforced togetherness (Quinn, 1997). As previously discussed, the influence of European trade and the large scale massacres of the Modoc had changed the leadership dynamics. The elderly Old Schonchin, recognized by the Whites to be the Modoc leader, had accepted Huntington’s terms in the Council Bluffs Treaty (Thompson, 1971). Yet, the Modoc were a tribe made from many bands, each having their own leader (Stern, 1966). Schonchin was not fully recognized as the supreme leader of all bands (James, 2008; Meacham, 1875; Murray, 1959). Up and coming younger Modoc men garnered support within their respective bands (Murray, 1959). Captain Jack had not wanted to be part of the Council Bluffs negotiations and certainly had not wanted to leave the Modoc homeland (Stern, 1965). He had agreed to the Valentine’s Day Treaty, but tribal values compelled him to put his mark on the Council Bluffs treaty (Boyer, 2001). As previously discussed, leaders were obligated to act in accordance to their followers’ consensus. The Council Bluffs Treaty united Modoc bands within Klamath territory, north of their homeland. Having been forced together, bands of Modoc could reconcile differences (Quinn, 1997). Subsequently, harassment from Klamath tribal members forced the Modoc to repeatedly move their dwellings in an attempt to effectively live as the Council Bluffs Treaty had directed (Quinn, 1997). Twice the Modoc were assigned new locations on the Klamath ancestral lands where they were instructed to build their new lives (James, 2008). However, in each attempt the Modoc were treated as interlopers and were helpless to defend themselves (Powers, 1976). In 1865, Captain Jack and his 42 followers left the Klamath agency to live in accordance with the unofficial Valentine’s Day Treaty (James, 2008). In Yreka, Jack’s friends, Judge Elijah Steele and Steele’s partner, Judge A. M. Rosborough, shared information that since Congress had not ratified the Council Bluffs treaty, the terms were unbinding (Dillon, 1973). It was not ratified for nearly five years after it was written. The Modoc discovered that in their absence from their homelands, settlers had begun homesteading (Dillon, 1973). Federal law banned any settlement upon Indian land until officially ceded through treaty (Calloway, 2008). Old Schonchin convinced the Modoc to return to Klamath (Dillon, 1973). In the absence of forces to keep them out, settlers began establishing permanent residences. A non-Indian federal policy encouraged their settlement. The federal Land Grant Act of 1862 allotted land to Americans who homesteaded for five years. For several years, settlers lived upon Modoc land without Congressional ratification of any treaty ceding Modoc land (Dillon, 1973). The San Francisco Chronicle reported on the land speculating schemes to take control of Modoc land (James, 2008). Jesse Applegate was ranching land claimed by Jesse Carr when Captain Jack along with most all of the Modoc tribe returned a second time from the Klamath reservation (Bancroft, 1888). The two Jesses were involved in questionable land acquisitions (James, 2008). Jack asked for lease monies from the ranchers running cattle over Modoc lands (Dillon, 1975). Jesse Applegate refused, but another rancher, John Fairchild, did pay rents for use of Modoc land (Murray, 1959). After much complaint from citizenry, a renewed effort was made to return the renegade Modoc to the Klamath agency (Dillon, 1973). Westerners utilized 45 Modoc had been kin to the Klamath before 1800 but were now cautious neighbors and occasional trade partners. The federal government did not recognize the incompatibility of the tribes as it forced tribes to cohabitate with the official treaty at Council Bluff. To make matters worse, the federal government reassigned oversight of Indian Affairs and put the Army in charge of Indians. Thus, a federal agent who had friendly relations was replaced by an indifferent agent. Further, four different Indian nations were thrown together in one reservation where they found it difficult to maintain peace. Undoubtedly, Washington leaders prized the consolidation of tribes to increase land available to westward moving Americans (Dillon, 1973). Throughout United States’ history, about 900 treaties were negotiated, 371 of which were approved by Congress (Olson-Raymer, 2011). Repeatedly, the United States was entirely selective about which treaties to honor; even with those they did honor they were selective as to which parts the United States would follow. In negotiating treaties with Indian tribes, the individual conducting the negotiation had to be congressionally approved, and then the resulting document had to be ratified by Congress before it could be fulfilled. The Modoc did not necessarily know which individual had the power to negotiate treaties on behalf of the federal government, but they did expect that when rules were agreed upon, those rules were to be followed. The Modoc agreed to one treaty in February 1865 and then federal officials told them later that year that they must agree to an official treaty. Then the official agreement took over four years to be ratified by Congress. In the meantime, policies put in place to maintain order throughout the treaty- ratification process were ignored, and settlers moved into Modoc country before the 46 ratification officially ceding those lands originally belonging to the Modoc. Upon the reservation, the Modoc attempted to rebuild their lives as directed by the official treaty. However, they soon found that the federal government was not holding up its end of the negotiated agreement. After repeated attempts to resolve the conflicts and outright abuse, the Modoc left the Klamath reservation and returned to their homeland to live under the terms of the first treaty negotiated with an American Indian Agent. The next section examines consequences of the federal government’s disregard for negotiated guarantees. It will show how American democracy responded to individual self-interests while ignoring perspectives of compromise. Broken Promises By the second half of the nineteenth century, the state of Indian affairs across the country was in shambles from years of mismanagement (Dillon, 1973). Indians were not receiving care that had been promised when they ceded their lands to the Whites nor were they protected (Meacham, 1888). Reservation boundaries were not defended from Whites moving in nor were the Indians guarded from malicious White attacks (Marks, 1998). Whites drove Indians from their hunting and fishing grounds (Secrest, 2003). Soldiers spoke openly about washing the color out of Indians, referring to copulation with Indian women (Meacham, 1875). White men stole and abused Indian women, sometimes in clear view of their husbands (Meacham, 1875; Secrest, 2003). Shooting Indians was a means of entertainment and income for the miners of Northern California (Nelson, 1979; Norton, 1979; Secrest, 2003). In California, civil courts would not convict settlers who 47 killed Indians, military officials could do little to prevent attacks, and Indians could not testify against any Whites (Marks, 1988, Raphael, 1993). In the west the problem was compounded by power struggles of governing agencies which interfered in the handling of tribes (Bancroft, 1888). Prevailing philosophies swung like a pendulum as the government moved Indian Affairs in and out of different parent agencies (Dillon, 1974). People working within the Department of Indian Affairs generally understood Indian customs and habits and thus dealt with Indians in a friendly manner whereas the military officers seemed to regard Indians with disgust (James, 2008). The Department of Indian Affairs’ had more flexibility to alter methods of dealing with Indians within their charge than did the military which operated as an elite authority duty-bound to specific regulations (Sturtevant, 1988). The military existed to execute multifaceted policies of the legislature (Appleby, 2006). Military officials and Indian Agents had serious disagreements when it came to how federal representatives were to handle Indians (Stern, 1965). An Army bill in 1866 allowed the hiring of Indian Scouts after which Oregon’s governor pushed the military to increase the Scouts’ role to become Indian fighting companies (Bancroft, 1888). This idea did not make it very far. Men, both Indian and White, resented that Indian fighters would be sent to massacre other tribes’ women and children upon orders from military headquarters (Bancroft, 1888). In 1868, the federal government shifted oversight of Indian Affairs into Army control but then reversed itself in 1870 when Congress passed a law prohibiting Army officers from holding civilian positions such as Indian agent (Dillon, 1973). President Grant reformed policy by appointing church leaders to posts 50 American dealings with Indians and recognized the land grab (James, 2008). Settlers gaining land ownership through the Homestead Act did not question the legitimacy of the land title awarded to them (Matthiessen, 1979). However, some questioned the legitimacy of the homesteaders; the San Francisco Chronicle interviewed individuals hired by prominent land developers to homestead (Bogart, 1873). This same disputed land was turned over to their employer upon gaining title through procedures created through the 1862 Homestead Act (Bogart, 1873). Even military personnel noticed the land grabs of elite individuals (James, 2008). Brigadier General Canby saw what was happening on the frontier and supported assigning lands for Modoc to remain at Lost River (Meacham, 1875). Brigadier General Canby wrote in a report to his superiors: I do not think that the immediate application of force as asked for [to move the Modocs back to the reservation] would be either expedient or just… I am not surprised at the unwillingness of the Modocs to return to any point of the reservations where they would be exposed to hostilities… (and without adequate protection) from the Klamaths. (as quoted in James, 2008, p. 48) In 1870, seeing no alternative, Meacham recommended that the federal government honor Modoc demands to be allowed to live within a six-mile square of Lost River country, a portion of their original homelands (James, 2008). Meacham understood the Modoc perspective and was ready to defend them from war (James, 2008). However, Meacham’s recommendations to mediate the conflict were at odds with settlers who had already laid claim to Modoc land (Quinn, 1997). Congress set policy on the assumption there were dangers if Modoc would be allowed to exist in the vicinity of White settlers (Bancroft, 1888). The loss of Meacham’s diplomatic resolution made relocation all the 51 more painful when Congress denied the six-mile square reservation proposal (James, 2008; Murray, 1959). In this same time period, with tensions in an aggravated status, Congress replaced Superintendent Meacham with civilian T.B. Odeneal who knew little about working with Indians (Quinn, 1998). Ivan Applegate was sent by Superintendent Odeneal to talk with Captain Jack. Ivan recounted what Captain Jack expressed: We are good people, and will not kill or frighten anybody. We want peace and friendship. I am well known and understood by the people of Yreka, California, and am governed by their advice. I do not want to live upon the reservation for the Indians there are poorly clothed, suffer from hunger, and even have to leave the reservation sometimes to make a living. We are willing to have Whites live in our country, but do not want them to locate on the west side and near the mouth of Lost River, where we have our winter camps. The settlers are continually lying about my people and trying to make trouble. (as cited in Quinn, 1998, p. 50) Superintendent Odeneal sent further messages to Jack, finally getting what he sought: an open refusal to return to Yainax, the Modoc’s assigned location within Klamath Agency reservation (Quinn, 1998). Thus far, Odeneal had not met Captain Jack in person (Quinn, 1998). The Modoc were offended that the superintendent did not value them enough to personally meet with them (James, 2008). Odeneal orchestrated a plan to converge three military companies in upon the Modoc to pressure them into compliance (James, 2008). In an effort to rid himself of the Modoc problem, Odeneal sent word to Captain Green at Fort Klamath to ready troops for the Modoc’s removal (Thompson, 1971). It is unclear why the military captain took orders from the civilian superintendent (James, 2008; Thompson, 1971). Before Odeneal set the military chain of events into action, Brigadier General Canby of the Army’s Pacific Division clarified protocol through direct orders to notify commanders before any actions occurred (Thompson, 52 1971). Canby planned to use only the proper amount of force necessary to secure the Modoc return to their area within the Klamath agency (Thompson, 1971). Odeneal did not notify Canby or Lieutenant Colonel Frank Wheaton, who served under Canby, about the planned attack (Quinn, 1998; Thompson, 1971). Major Green took his troops to round up the Captain Jack’s band (Thompson, 1971). An additional two groups came from other directions to aid in the capture (James, 2008). At the same time, a citizen volunteer militia organized by Ivan Applegate, his brother Oliver, and some settlers made a surprise attack upon another Modoc band camped across the river (James, 2008; Thompson, 1971). The enraged Modoc fought back, fled, and eventually joined Captain Jack’s band (James, 2008). On their way, this latter band of Modoc went on a retaliatory raid, killing male settlers but intentionally leaving the women unharmed after the surprise attack by the Applegate party (James, 2008). Captain Jack disliked their attacks on Whites (James, 2008). Policies regarding Indian affairs were overrun by other interests. Selfish or just ignorant individuals ignored their responsibilities to Indians. Personnel assigned to work with Indian tribes came and went, amplifying administrative inconsistencies. Some took advantage of Indians for personal profit or satisfaction. In 1870, after years of harassment by Klamath tribal members and a want for provisions Captain Jack led the Modoc escape off the Klamath reservation (Murray, 1959). When individuals brought attention to compromising with Modoc requests, such advocates were dismissed and replaced with individuals who followed the mainstream thinking of the time period. Primary documents clearly showed that Americans wanted Indians exterminated; they wanted Indian land. 55 overseen by two federal agencies: the civilian Indian Affairs and the non-civilian Military. In each department, the chain of command was a tangled mess. Order of authority in the military was assigned as follows: Brigadier General Canby headquartered in Portland, Oregon, answered to Major General John Schofield’s Military Division of the Pacific headquartered at the Presidio, San Francisco (Thompson, 1971). Overseeing all military operations was in turn under the authority of General Sherman in Washington, D.C. (Thompson, 1971). Two subordinate forts kept Canby informed of the Modoc situation: Fort Klamath just west of the Klamath reservation overseen by Major John Green and another fort, District of the Lakes, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Wheaton (Thompson, 1971). Canby had placed Lieutenant Colonel Wheaton in command in the event that military action became necessary (Thompson, 1971). Both forts were approximately 60 miles from the Modocs’ Lost River country (Thompson, 1971). The Department of the Interior had a separate chain of command: Oregon Superintendent Odeneal answered to Walker back in Washington (Faulk, 1988). Odeneal oversaw Klamath agency Indian agent Dyer and sub-agent Ivan Applegate who maintained Yainax (Faulk, 1988). Walker granted Superintendent Odeneal permission to use military force for arrests that would ensure all Modoc at large would be returned to Klamath Reservation and live under Chief Schonchin’s leadership (Faulk, 1988). Walker’s orders were to bring the Modoc back peaceably if possible but forcibly if peace was not an option (James, 2008; Thompson, 1971). Brigadier General Canby had specifically directed Odeneal to inform him before any force was put into operation – an 56 order issued to his subordinates as well (Stern, 1965). Additionally, the orders and intentions of Canby were reiterated by Wheaton that no direct action was to be taken against the Modoc until a sufficiently large force was assembled to ensure Modoc compliance (Thompson, 1971). However, upon receiving Indian Agency Odeneal’s directive to drive the Modoc back to Klamath Agency, Major Green of the Army failed to notify either of his supervisors, Wheaton or Canby (Thompson, 1971). Major Green chose to command his own forces rather than follow orders to assemble the full force (Thompson, 1971). Green wished to show how easy it would be to dispose of the Modoc question (Bancroft, 1888). An accidental gunfire volley began the Modoc War (Thompson, 1971). Major Boutelle was the officer involved in that first exchange (James, 2008; Thompson, 1971). He lived but later recalled how treacherous it was that Odeneal sent troops with guns in place of an agent of the Indian Department to speak peace (Brady, 1907). Superintendent Odeneal, representing the Department of the Interior, rid himself of responsibility for the situation when he deferred the relocation of the Modoc renegades to the War Department (Quinn, 1997). Miscommunications brought the Modoc and soldiers to combat, and leaders in Washington were busy exchanging messages from the seat of war, to Washington headquarters, and back to an assembly of Peace Commissioners headed to intervene in the crisis (Brady, 1907). In Washington, D.C., peace factions were as eager as the soldiers and the land-hungry settlers to remove Indians from the path of Anglo settlement 57 and development, but they wished to control outcomes through negotiations (Marks, 1998). For the Modocs’ part, the bands spent time together making great speeches, boasting of personal accomplishments, and speaking of signs they had seen which promised success in battle; but the fact remained that the truly great war leaders of the Modoc had perished in the massacre of 1852 (Miller, 1873). The Modoc bands had not fought together under one leader for many generations (Miller 1873). Due largely to the isolated independence of the tribe, spiritual leaders remained of high importance among the Modoc people (Quinn, 1997). The Modoc relied on faith and perseverance (Meacham, 1875; Riddle, 1914). They had returned to their ancestral ways and relied heavily upon religious leaders to prepare the people for battle (James, 2008). Prophecy told that their dead would be restored to life and come to their assistance (Meacham, 1875). Included in the prophecy was the belief that the Americans would be swallowed up into the earth (Meacham, 1875). Nothing would change the fact that at the time of this battle the assembled bands were far outnumbered by soldiers sent to implement the will of a nation that was determined to conquer (Faulk, 1988). Over a period of five months, the Modoc held off an army twenty times their own strength (Juillerat, 1992).The Modoc War of 1872-73, though small, would be remembered as the most costly war the United States ever waged upon Indians (Brady, 1907). The Modoc fought a brutal war rather than succumb to the reservation system (Calloway, 2008). General John Schofield described the Modoc War as a conflict more remarkable in some respects than any other before known in American history (Dillon, 60 Modoc actually involved in the killing of the Peace Commissioners would be court marshaled and the rest of the Modoc participants would be considered to have committed acts of war – a decision that outraged citizens (Faulk, 1988). On October 3, with a military band playing and the Klamath and Modoc tribes forced to watch, four of the Modoc leaders were marched to the gallows and hanged (James, 2008). Shortly thereafter the remaining one hundred fifty-three Modoc (thirty-nine men, fifty-four women, and sixty children) prisoners of war were taken by wagon to Redding, California, where they boarded a train bound for Baxter Springs, Kansas, to be placed in their new home inside Indian Territory upon the Quapaw Agency (Faulk, 1988). One hundred Modoc who had maintained neutrality and stayed at Yainax remained there with Chief Schonchin (Faulk, 1988). The exiled bands of Modoc were not allowed to return to their kinsmen until 1909, thirty-six years later, when Congress finally restored the Oklahoma band of Modoc Indians to the Klamath Reservation Oregon rolls (Dillon, 1973). The Modoc War is distinguished from other Indian Wars on at least two counts: it was the most expensive to the federal government which spent more on this Indian conflict in relation to the number of Indians involved and resulted in the highest ranking federal officer ever killed - Brigadier General Canby was murdered as he led the Peace Commission to reconcile differences (James, 2008). Tragically, General Canby was genuinely a friend to Indians and may have been the Modoc’s only hope for securing their own reservation (Thompson, 1971). Canby had written to his superiors that the best solution was to allow the Modoc to establish their own reservation (Meacham, 1875). 61 America’s sympathies were changing in support of the Modoc (Faulk, 1988). It was the first Indian campaign in the west extensively covered by a number of reporters (Thompson, 1971). The New York Herald dedicated a full page, a huge expense in telegraph charges alone, to unfolding events of the Modoc War (Dillon, 1973). The nation was riveted by the dramatic story of a handful of Indians holding off the U.S. Army in defense of their homeland (Thompson, 1971). Soldiers involved in the fighting sent letters to newspapers asking for changes in the country’s administration and tactics to conquer the Indians (Dillon, 1973). Still more soldier communications revealed the belief that contractors and other profiteers perpetuated the war intentionally for profit (Dillon, 1973). Even after the fighting had ceased and most of the nation had again shifted its opinions against the Modoc, questions arose as the true cause of the tragedy (James, 2008). Senator Lutrell protested the outcome of the Modoc trial when he said, “Humanity demands a thorough investigation of the causes of the late war… Such investigation … will convince the public that fraud and speculation was the cause of the war… The war was caused by the wrongful acts of bad White men.” (as cited in James, 2008, p. 161) Indians of western tribes dealt with the massive White problem by fighting back and drawing upon inner spiritual strengths (Nabokov, 1978). Modocs fought to cling to the land of their ancestors with a tenacity winning Whites’ admiration of Indian patriotism (Applegate, 1895).The Modoc were not brought to war by prophetic talk but through the force of circumstances – the war had been prepared and made inevitable by events antedating its outbreak (Powers, 1976). The November 1852 massacre of the 62 Modoc planted the roots of distrust for peace negotiations that twenty years later led to the tragic killing of Brigadier General Canby on April 11, 1873 (James, 2008). The Modoc War was a tragedy for all. Miscommunications, misunderstandings, and assumptions led to bloodshed. The Modoc demonstrated desire to adapt to American presence and they tried to live by American law. The Modoc returned to their ancestral homelands, but settlers who coveted Modoc land protested. The head of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Washington D.C. responded with an immediate order to the Oregon Superintendent to return the off-reservation Modoc to Yainax. An Indian Agent issued orders to bring the Modoc back peaceably if possible, but forcibly if peace was not an option. However an Army fort commander did not follow orders from his supervisors to report any intended action before confronting the Modoc. The Army arrived in insufficient numbers to overpower Captain Jack’s band. A civilian militia attacked a different Modoc band and the enraged Modoc band retaliated and united with other Modoc bands in the Lava Beds where they made a determined stand to preserve their identity. Some Americans who had earlier been against Indians began to see the valor of the Modoc. A peace commission assembled to resolve the conflict, and there was a good chance that the members of the commission may have found a way to allow the Modoc their six-mile reservation at Tule Lake. However, the Modoc, remembering White treachery from twenty years prior, convinced Captain Jack to murder the Peace Commissioners because Whites had murdered Modoc under a flag of truce. The support the Modoc had gained in their honorable self-defense was instantly lost. Modoc 65 Atrocities to Native Americans sprang from American policies and were amplified during westward expansion. The Modoc became caught in the political fallout. Foreign nations cut lines through Modoc territory, forced laws and new beliefs upon the original people, and ultimately delivered death and exile. In an effort to block European countries from claiming North America, the United States moved its boundaries west toward the Pacific. Missionaries wanted to save the souls of the savage heathens, so they pushed westward in the name of righteousness. Opportunists who saw a prospect for riches in the form of land and gold, also pushed westward but in the name of profit (Nelson, 1979). Early American policy directed the federal government’s behavior regarding tribes. Treaties were designed to take land title away from Indians to encourage development of the ceded lands by Americans. At the time the Modoc negotiated with the federal government, policy had evolved to consolidate many tribes upon single reserves which seemed logical to the individuals who arranged treaties on behalf of the federal government. State and Federal policy predominantly favored Whites. This is most obvious when state and federal money funded massacres upon Indian people. Policies allowed Americans to take occupancy and have Indian land granted to them as White individuals. Policies forbade Indians from testifying against Whites and encouraged the removal and open extermination of Indian people. The deep hurt, mistrust, and anger that members of tribes feel must be acknowledged. Americans need to understand that the United States was once all tribal 66 land. That land was not given freely to the United States; rather, most often it was taken by force and trickery. 67 Method Introduction The westward movement of the 1800s is an important time in American history. The nation rapidly expanded its boarders and population. Student textbooks offer limited information about the people who were in America before the United States began claiming land. Native American nations were overrun by White newcomers. The newcomers had different dress, technologies, and ideals than the indigenous people they encountered. In many instances Native American nations made good faith efforts to accommodate the newcomers only to have those agreements twisted or broken. Fundamental cultural differences and the straightforward attempts at compromise are often absent from textbooks. I decided to approach my research by examining federal Indian policy and was reminded straightaway that policy involving Indian rights often was created to serve the desires of the dominant White population. California’s state policies of the 1800s were even more abysmal: eviction, enslavement, and exterminations being a few of the justified outcomes. Initial research findings produced outrage, but we must realize that history is messy. In the initial methods coursework through Humboldt State University, my advisor, Dr. McBroome, helped me hone my subject and suggested the Modoc experience as a focal point to examine the outcomes of federal and state Indian policy and observe how policies effect culture. 70 cohesion, and finally, the group effort involved in construction of winter homes bonds the whole group (Juillerat, 2002). All of these pieces would need to be in place before the eighth grade students could truly feel the implications of policy. Though eighth grade students can reason more abstractly these activities help those still in a concrete stage of development. Once students knew Modoc values they could then objectively examine viewpoints of other groups and the implications of federal and state Indian policy. Teaching in a rural school, my students hunt, fish and gather plants and animals living around them. Many homes’ only heat source is gathered wood. Weather can make roads impassable and isolate them. All of these modern rural challenges allow students to identify with pioneers, soldiers and Modoc of the early 1800s. Once the playing field is leveled the learning could begin. Students need to develop analytical skills to compare perspectives in history. Students use technological resources to research primary evidence from time periods and evaluate the evidence to judge whether the work is fact or fiction, being wary for embellishments. Eighth grade students are expected to write an argument (CCSS.ELA- LITERACY.W.8.1) and so need to be alert for propaganda attempting to persuade the reader. Most newspaper articles from the time period reporting on Modoc or on Indian policy contain cultural bias (Johnston-Dodds, 2002). Students need to be able to distinguish whose bias is reflected. Students may notice very few primary documents possess a Modoc worldview. I hope that seeing the lopsidedness of the cultural contact 71 will pique student interest and lead to more global analytical skills as they will one day decide how the United States interacts with cultures unlike than mainstream American. Overview of Instructional Delivery Students will need access to natural building materials, space, and the internet. The first few days utilize language arts, visual and performing arts, and life skills activities. The remainder of the lessons will require students to access digital archives to research and gather primary documents destined to become the foundation of a short essay evaluating competing cultural perspectives in history. Teachers need to read the lessons thoroughly before embarking on this journey. They will need to ensure internet access and verify links before the lessons begin, provide art supplies, food samples, and building materials. Teachers need to make copies of the appendix for students to use and refer to. There are also books to be used in lessons that are listed both in the day presented to the students and in the reference section of this document. Conclusion This teaching unit informs students and teachers that not all history is included in textbooks. A social account exists which reveals a variety of perspectives throughout history. There is an abundance of information at historical sites, in traditional stories (sometimes still in oral form), and at museums. Historical societies and families still house much information that is not yet public knowledge. We all need to be alert for bias in reports we receive, both historical as well as current. Students need to be alert for an 72 author’s viewpoint and writing purpose. Students need to always ask, “What isn’t this telling me?” then use their research skills to go find out for themselves. 75 accurate. Discuss sources: primary-secondary and how some written primary sources could be bias because they are not from the person or people being reported. Remind students that there is no one description to generalize indigenous tribes that lived across the American Continents because so many distinct cultures existed. Though tribes have unique languages, lifestyles, and spiritual beliefs the written sources from the 1800s, which they will be studying, are only written in English so they should be alert to bias even when writing that claims to be appears to represent Modoc point of view was scribed through an interpreter. Newspaper articles from 1840s-1860s use derogatory terms in reference to Indian people. The 1850 Constitution of California did not allow Indian people legal right but gave all rights to White (Johnston-Dodds, 2002). Students will need to think critically as historians while they conduct their research. This lesson is going to focus on the Modoc tribe who can link their heritage back to the ice- aged hunters; the Modoc historically lived in a land area that included 2,000 to 3,000 square miles in what is now the boundary of California and Oregon. Today’s lesson will put that land area into context and connect to students’ prior knowledge. What do we know of local tribes? Where did they live? What were their houses like long ago? What did their diet consist of long ago? – Take into account tribal identities represented within the class. If anyone wants to volunteer information allow them to share their knowledge. This is also a good time to find out if anyone has relatives (elders) who might be additional sources of information or even be able to speak with the class. 76 Activity – mapping: Provide each student with a black-line of the North American continent with 1830s political boundaries. Use black-line map of United States (see Appendix B) available at http://www.socialstudiesforkids.com/graphics/missouricompromisemap.jpg Students will create individual maps of the United States. Guide students in coloring in major physical features of continent: Rocky Mountains, Mississippi River, Missouri River, Rio Grande, Columbia River, and California’s Central Valley. Once students have their points of reference have them add physical features more closely related to the Modoc region: Klamath River, Pit River, Goose Lake, Tule Lake, Klamath Lake, Mount Shasta, the Coastal Range and the Klamath Range. Have students add color to enhance their maps and reinforce the plentitude of water and the vegetation associated with waterways. However, have students use grey or brown in the open expanses of land where little vegetation grows as a result of the area being a high desert climate and product of volcanic activity. Tell students you are going to read them a story that might help them add details to their maps or inspire them to draw pictures around the margins of their maps. These maps will be referred to later in the unit. Students will use information in their map to illustrate human movement over time. While students are finishing their mapping read vignette, “A Child’s Life,” (James, 2008, pp265-267), which describes the land as well as customs unique to Modoc culture in the year 1670. Invite students to discuss prior lessons which identified the importance of oral traditions in Native American collective knowledge. Guide students to 77 reiterate the importance of the keepers of stories to the preservation of culture. Tell students they will have an opportunity to teach one another Modoc stories during English Language time. Conclusion: Invite students to discuss the images they are thinking of, have heard, or have drawn. Collect their work and hang around the classroom. Tell students they are going to learn more about beliefs of the Modoc through myths collected and written down Second block Day 1 (English Language Arts/Visual and Performing Arts): Students access Myths of the Modocs by Jeremiah Curtin available from several free online sources, e.g. https://archive.org/details/mythsmodocs00curtrich. For students with disabilities, the site link above will read myths aloud. Review with students the characteristics of a myth. Read “Gaukos and Kulta”, pages 81-82, to the students; students may recognize thematic similarities to Cinderella or Disney’s Frozen; Inform students that you will read a similar picture version to begin tomorrow’s lesson. Have students predict the central ideas they will be looking for in tomorrow’s picture book version of “Gaukos and Kulta.” Tell students to visualize how they could convey the myth they just heard to share the story with others without actually reading it. Discuss the importance of oral tradition in conveying cultural beliefs. Students will work in pairs or small groups to create brief, written skits from stories of their choice located within Myths of the Modocs by Jeremiah Curtin. Display 80 antelope, elk, mountain sheep, brown bears, grizzly bears; and editable plants such as camas (lily) bulbs, epos (wild potatoes), wocas (water-lily) seeds as well as various fruits and nuts. Attach these to the outlined landscape. If possible set up a cache (buffet) where students can come to sample traditional foods. Conclusion: Think-Pair-Share: Students discuss resources available in abundance and associated the seasonality (may need more of explicit instruction above to produce this), what the environment was like beyond the riparian zone (potential harshness), and how the students might feel living there (establish a personal connection). Preparation for Day 3: Soda-flat cardboard containers (one for each student/team), compactable soil as sculpting material (for sculpting ‘earth’ winter homes), 6” or 8”x1/4” round, strait sticks (approximately 100 per student or student team, you might split popsicle sticks or collect thin branches), small twigs (to be rungs of a ladder), thin twine or string, small rocks, and white glue. Straw is required to weave miniature mats to become the roof and to furnish the structure’s interior. Moss, pebbles, and sand can be added to enhance detail. Day 3 and 4 The People - Spiritual Connections: Review what students know from the previous two lessons about the environment and its resources. Discuss the seasons and temperatures. Images available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modoc_County,_California 81 Today we will learn about the people living there. Review prior knowledge in regards to using resources available for survival (housing, gathering/storing food). Winters were cold where the Modoc lived, so their housing provided protection from the cold. How do we stay warm in the winter? (Wear layers, insulate) How do houses keep people warm? (Insulation, staying closed up, heat source) What else do homes offer the people who live in them? (safety, security, a place/identity) Hook: http://www.mooseadventures.net/2013/04/05/spelunking-at-lava-bed-natl- monument/ Visit blogspot, discuss terrain and Modoc winter wickiup lodge. Compare winter and summer homes. We are building Modoc homes today. Notice how much work goes into creating the model and think about how long it must take to make a real winter lodge. The Modoc insulated their houses by piling earth on wooden structures. Mats woven of dried grass supported the earth roof. Notice the logs bound by rope that make up the inner walls supporting the layer of earth on the sides. See the ladder for entry. How would you feel if you were a Modoc family member living in one of these winter lodges? http://www.heraldandnews.com/article_a711f8a2-706d-538a-b46a-b0d14c50d9a2.html Read article and share picture of man inside of winter house. Discuss what does Jackson mean by, “The lodge is a first step in gaining tribal identity.”? 82 How would you feel about walking up to one of these homes if you were a pioneer, new to the area? Remember this lodge because the significance of the work involved during construction and the security this winter home offers will emerge later in our historical investigation. Direct students in construction of a cube shape from straight twigs (you can create 3-sided squares before the lesson by gluing 3 equally proportioned sticks at 90* angles so that each student/team can begin their cube formation with two dried forms to which students will only need to secure 2 additional sticks as cross-supports. While the inner structure dries students can be weaving together the side stick mat which will become the inner wall and support the earth that will later be piled around the sides. At this point students can decide if they would like to make an enclosed lodge, cut-away to reveal inner features, or devise some sort of method to lift away a portion of the home to be able to see what it looks like inside and out. To construct the winter lodge: fill the low-sided cardboard box with compactable soil. Distribute the soil so that a circular pit can be formed with enough space between the pit and the wall of the box to extend the structure out the radius of the pit, beyond the pit to accommodate sloping walls. The cube structure is to be assembled over the pit. Next create the woven pole walls to angle down from the cube support. Place woven mats over the structure leaving a hole where occupants of the winter lodge can enter/exit. Students will need teacher support and encouragement to work through geometric challenges of construction. White glue is best for securing structure, but it takes hours to dry, so students might also try using string to lash together the inner, supporting pole 85 Day 5 – timeline: Students seek out major events for Modoc and settlers, federal and state Acts, establishment of overland trails, federal recognition of treaties, territories, and states. Research within online newspaper archive. Present students with the Era timeline with the eight intervals and secure it in a centrally visible location where students can work to attach information. Teams of students use internet searches, specifically looking for documents that give them insight into their research area. They will become the experts and share out what they discover. Now we are going to focus our study into the period of United State history known as “Expansion and Reform”. This period was once referred to as Manifest Destiny. As anthropologists, today’s goal is to be researchers and locate written information to develop a better picture of the people living in the Modoc area up to the mid-19th century. Have students bring forth significant events with dates which the class has already studied boldly written on sticky tabs and attach them to the timeline. Divide the students into five research teams to hunt up more information for the class timeline: Modoc perspective, California settler perspective, Oregon settler perspective, soldier perspective, government official perspective. How do perspectives inform the timeline? Student teams determine entries for the class timeline: entries might include encounters, treaties, changes in where certain individuals live, and economic practices for various groups. Today students will select the years 1850 and 1864 from drop down windows and click search again. In upcoming lessons students will visit cdnc.ucr.edu site to search specific years: 1872, 1873, and 1874. 86 Distribute copies of newspaper articles (see Appendix J). Student teams will read the articles and identify the central idea of each article, the people, and the events. They will draw conclusions about societal elements such as relationships within or between Indian tribes, federal, state and local governments, and Whites. Allow student team discussion time then allow student groups to participate in a whole class discussion of their finding. Give students the task of finding their own primary documents related to those you have provided to them. Their goal is to substantiate their arguments as to the relationships they believe existed. Primary research source for this lesson is California Digital Newspaper Collection http://cdnc.ucr.edu, but students may wish to search other online sources, suggested sites: Southern Oregon University Hannon Library Digital Archives http://soda.sou.edu, http://www.militarymuseum.org/MilitiaandIndians.html, Modoc National Forest www.fs.usda.gov/modoc, Washington University washingtonhistoryonline.org, or legendsofamerica.com. To begin the class-search direct all students to the California Digital Newspaper Collection (link below). After initially entering the search term “Modoc”, the Advanced Search tab will allow students to filter their results to only include news between specific years. Students who are having a hard time getting started can use key words from the articles you provided (see Appendix J). Students are searching for reports that give them an idea which people were in the area and how they related to the world around them: attitudes, values, desires, etc. Student-groups copy and paste dates, titles, and article content into a word document for 87 use later in a comparative analysis. The groups record dates correlating significant events on sticky tabs to apply to class’s timeline. Challenge activity for avid researchers: Students identify three styles of Modoc day-to-day clothing, locate example images and attach those to timeline. They should be looking for clothing styles derived from tule-reed or small animal skins, buckskin styles of the mid-western tribes (after trading brought tribes into contact at The Dalles), and finally pants and flannels as worn by pioneers. Their information may not be in pictures, but in worded descriptions. Day 6 – infer perceptions of era. Examine newsprint articles, ethnographic accounts, and the proximity of reports to their relevant time period Student teams examine their information and construct a descriptive narrative (stereotype) of collective beliefs/values held by a group of individuals from the time period they just researched. In the 1840s, settlers saw native peoples as an obstacle in their quest westward and desire to establish power by controlling land. Military officers were sent west to do a job: maintain peace and stability as the nation expanded; the Civil War also happened in this time period which distracted soldiers, attention in the 1860s as well as provided an abundance of officers needing work assignments in the 1870s. All through the 1800s the Modoc worked to maintain a livelihood and adapt to changing balances of power. Discuss that stereotypes are not true statements of all members of a given group and that sources they used may only report on outliers. Make students aware that reporting individuals incorporate bias or simply do not understand the whole picture