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Generalizing from Educational Research: Population Heterogeneity and Knowledge Claims, Exams of Psychology

This paper discusses the limitations of generalizing findings from educational research and argues for an overarching framework that includes population heterogeneity and uses of knowledge claims as criteria for generalizations. The authors critique the privileging of experimental studies and high-power statistics for generalization and discuss three main forms of generalization and their limitations. They propose two additional criteria for evaluating the validity of evidence based on generalizations from educational research.

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2021/2022

Uploaded on 09/12/2022

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Download Generalizing from Educational Research: Population Heterogeneity and Knowledge Claims and more Exams Psychology in PDF only on Docsity! ∀   Limits  of  Generalizing  in  Education  Research:  Why  Criteria   for  Research  Generalization  Should  Include  Population   Heterogeneity  and  Uses  of  Knowledge  Claims     Kadriye  Ercikan,  University  of  British  Columbia     Wolff-­‐Michael  Roth,  University  of  Victoria     Abstract     Generalization  is  a  critical  concept  in  all  research  that  describes  the  process  of   developing  general  knowledge  that  applies  to  all  elements  of  a  unit   (population),  while  studying  only  a  subset  of  these  elements  (sample).   Commonly  applied  criteria  for  generalizing  that  focus  on  experimental  design   or  representativeness  of  samples  of  the  population  of  units  neglect  considering   the  targeted  uses  of  knowledge  generated  from  the  generalization.  This  paper   (a)  articulates  the  structure  and  discusses  limitations  of  different  forms  of   generalizations  across  the  spectrum  of  quantitative  and  qualitative  research;   and  it  (b)  argues  for  an  overarching  framework  that  includes  population   heterogeneity  and  uses  of  knowledge  claims  as  part  of  the  rationale  for   generalizations  from  educational  research.           A  recent  special  issue  of  this  journal  was  dedicated  to  data  use  as  an  integral  part   of  current  reform  efforts  (Turner  &  Coburn,  2012).  Other  researchers  highlight  data                                                                                                                   ∀  Accepted  for  publication  in  Teachers  College  Record.   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  2   use  and  research  evidence  as  perhaps  the  most  central  dimension  of  today’s  political   climate  that  shapes  the  field  of  education  (Cohen-­‐Vogel,  2011;  Moss,  2012;  Roderick,   2012).  This  emphasis  on  data  use  and  evidence  crowns  empirical  research  findings   with  the  highest  status  in  guiding  policy  and  practice.  It  is  therefore  legitimate  to   ask,  “To  what  extent  is  typical  education  research  designed  to  provide  evidence  to   inform  policy  and  practice?”  The  evidence  educators  use  for  educational  policy   analysis,  evaluation,  and  decision-­‐making  tends  to  be  produced  through  educational   research  that  takes  population  samples  or  case  studies  to  make  claims  valid  for   jurisdictions  at  different  levels  such  as  classroom,  schools,  districts  etc.  However,   the  question  whether  research  evidence  at  one  level  of  educational  practice  scales   up  to  another  level  is  a  non-­‐trivial  question  (e.g.,  Ercikan  &  Roth,  in  press;  Stein  et   al.,  2008).  The  question  of  the  extent  to  which  educators  can  generalize  from   educational  research  has  led  in  many  contexts  to  a  predilection  for  experimental   and  quantitative  over  qualitative  studies  –  although  it  has  been  suggested  that   without  the  examination  of  qualitative  evidence,  “variations  in  quantitative  studies   are  difficult  to  interpret”  (Kennedy,  2008,  p.  344).  But  in  education  and  other  fields,   “[f]indings  from  a  large  number  of  qualitative  research  investigations  have  had  little   impact  on  clinical  practice  and  policy  formation”  (Finfgeld-­‐Connett,  2010,  p.  246).  In   this  article,  we  argue  that  the  issue  of  generalization  of  empirical  findings  for  the   purpose  of  education  practice,  policy  analysis,  evaluation,  and  decision-­‐making  not   only  needs  to  transcend  the  traditional  divide  between  quantitative  and  qualitative   research  but  also  requires  an  overarching  framework  that  includes  population   heterogeneity  and  uses  of  knowledge  claims  as  criteria  that  establish  the  quality  of   generalizations  that  meets  policy  makers’  demands  “for  relevant  and  rigorous   research”  (Brewer,  Fuller,  &  Loeb,  2010,  p.  4).  In  so  doing,  we  contribute  to   establishing  a  theoretical  framework  for  methodological  rigor  related  to  educational   research  generalization. GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  5   on  a  logic  of  within-­‐individual  differences  and  causations  (Borsboom,  Mellenberg,  &   van  Heerden,  2003).     This  article  has  two  connected  purposes:  (a)  to  articulate  the  structure  and   discuss  limitations  of  different  forms  of  generalizations  across  the  spectrum  of   quantitative  and  qualitative  research  and  (b)  to  argue  for  considering  population   heterogeneity  and  for  including  future  uses  of  knowledge  claims  when  judging  the   appropriateness  of  generalizations  that  are  used  as  evidence  on  which  educational   policy  analysis,  evaluation,  and  decision-­‐making  are  based.  In  the  first  part  of  the   paper  we  present  two  forms  of  generalization  that  rely  on  statistical  analysis  of   between-­‐group  variation:  analytic  and  probabilistic  generalization.  These  are  the   most  commonly  understood  notions  of  generalizing  in  educational  research   (Eisenhart,  2009;  Firestone,  1993).  We  then  describe  a  third  form  of  generalization:   essentialist  generalization.  [2]  Essentialist  generalization  moves  from  the  particular   to  the  general  in  small  sample  studies.  This  form  of  generalization  exists  in  medical,   (historical-­‐)  genetic,  and  scientific  research  in  general,  but  is  not  well  understood   and  is  infrequently  used  in  social  science  or  education  research.  We  discuss   limitations  of  each  kind  of  generalization  and  propose  two  additional  criteria  when   evaluating  the  validity  of  evidence  based  on  generalizations  from  education   research.  In  the  second  part  of  the  paper,  we  first  make  a  case  for  taking  into   account  population  heterogeneity  when  evaluating  validity  of  generalizations  from   educational  research.  Second,  we  demonstrate  a  need  to  consider  future  use  as   integral  and  essential  aspects  of  the  question  about  the  extent  to  which  research   claims  are  generalizable.       Generalizing  in  Educational  Research     GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  6     In  this  section  we  present  and  discuss  –  cutting  across  the  quantitative-­‐ qualitative  divide  that  exists  in  educational  research  methodology  –  three  main   forms  of  generalization  and  their  limitations  in  view  of  how  they  inform  different   users  in  policy  and  practice.  The  three  forms  of  generalization  analytic,   probabilistic,  and  essentialist  are  presented  as  distinctly  different  with  respect  to  the   rationale  and  evidence  required  to  support  them.  The  criteria  used  for  judging  the   supporting  evidence  are  described.  The  distinctions  between  the  three  forms  of   generalization  are  important  to  clarify  in  discussing  limitations  of  each   generalization  in  informing  policy  and  practice.  None  of  them  are  presented  as   superior  to  the  other;  rather  they  are  considered  as  complementary.     Analytic  Generalization         Structure.  Analytic  generalization  relies  on  the  design  of  the  research  to  make   causal  claims.  It  involves  making  arguments  that  support  claims  in  relation  to  a   theory.  It  may  involve  the  testing  of  a  new  theory  as  well  as  application  of  a  theory   in  a  context  for  which  the  theory  was  not  originally  developed.  The  researcher  may   hypothesize,  for  example,  that  an  intervention  operationally  defining  a  theoretical   construct  leads  to  better  learning.  This  operationalization  requires  a  specific   research  design  (Shadish,  Cook,  &  Campbell,  2002).  First,  it  must  logically  allow   making  causal  inferences:  Instances  where  a  cause  operates  have  to  lead  to   significantly  different  observations  than  those  instances  where  the  cause  is  disabled.   Usually,  this  requires  randomly  assigning  participants  to  control  and  experimental   groups  in  the  hope  of  achieving  equivalence  of  these  groups  with  respect  to  all   moderating  and  mediating  variables  and  an  identical  implementation  of  the   intervention  to  the  experimental  and  comparison  (control)  groups.  The  groups  are   not  expected  to  be  representative  samples  of  any  particular  target  population.   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  7   Random  equivalence  is  intended  to  rule  out  any  potential  alternative  explanations   of  differences  between  the  control  and  experimental  groups.  The  arguments  in   analytic  generalization  are  closely  tied  to  the  degree  to  which  experimental  design  is   truly  implemented.  The  statistical  support  for  the  hypothesis  about  the  effectiveness   of  the  interventions  –  which  provides  sufficient  evidence  to  reject  the  null   hypothesis  that  there  is  no  difference  between  the  control  and  the  experimental   groups  after  the  intervention  –  is  used  to  make  claims  about  effects  of  the   intervention  in  the  target  population.  The  claim  is  with  respect  to  the  causal   relationship  between  the  intervention  and  the  outcome.  The  outcome  of  an   intervention  is  determined  by  comparing  the  difference  between  the  means  of   control  and  experimental  groups  to  the  standard  error  of  the  mean  differences.  If  on   the  average  a  statistically  significant  difference  in  the  hypothesized  direction  is   identified  between  the  two  groups,  the  theory  is  supported  and  therefore  implies   effectiveness  of  the  intervention,  such  as  a  new  instruction  method  that  includes   using  technology  in  mathematics  teaching.       Limitation.  In  analytic  generalization,  there  are  two  key  criteria  for  judging  the   causal  inference  from  the  experimental  design.  One  is  whether  there  is  a  systematic   difference  between  experimental  and  control  groups  that  can  be  supported  by   statistical  evidence  and  the  other  is  the  degree  to  which  a  true  experiment  has  been   conducted  so  that  the  change  in  experimental  group  outcomes  can  be  attributed  to   the  specific  operating  cause  deriving  from  the  intervention.  Even  when  such  a   generalization  is  fully  supported  based  on  these  two  criteria,  a  loose  causal  link  is   established.  A  causal  claim  that  applies  to  the  overall  group  does  not  necessarily   apply  to  subgroups  or  to  individuals  because  the  logic  of  such  studies  is  based  on   the  logic  of  between-­‐subjects  rather  than  within-­‐subjects  variation  (Borsboom  et  al.,   2003).  In  other  words,  intervention  may  have  been  effective  “on  the  average”  but,   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  10   probabilistic  generalizations  are  common.  One  type  of  generalization  claim  is  with   respect  to  relationships  between  variables,  for  example,  between  IQ  and   achievement  (Figure  2a).  In  this  case,  statistics  is  used  to  estimate  the  probability   that  a  systematic  relation  between  IQ  and  achievement  exists  beyond  chance  level.   The  second  type  of  research  generalization  is  related  to  relative  frequency  (e.g.,   proportion  of  students  identified  with  learning  disabilities)  or  group  differences   (e.g.,  differences  in  achievement  between  boys  and  girls)  (Figure  2b).  For  example,   the  Programme  for  International  Student  Assessment  (PISA)  2009  data  for  Canada   suggest  that  there  are  statistically  significant  differences  between  boys  and  girls  on   the  reading  score  (Mb  =  507,  Mg  =  542,  SDb,g  =  90)  (see  Figure  2b)  based  on  the   differences  in  the  sample.  In  both  of  these  probabilistic  generalizations,   generalization  claims  are  derived  from  observations  from  the  sample.  The  criteria   by  which  the  generalization  is  judged  –  i.e.,  the  validity  of  claims  about  the   correlation  between  IQ  and  achievement  or  gender  differences  in  reading  in  Canada   –  centers  on  one  of  the  same  criteria  used  for  judging  analytic  generalization  that  is   whether  there  is  statistical  evidence  of  a  systematic  pattern  in  the  data.  Even  though   probabilistic  generalizations  may  include  group  comparison,  such  as  comparing   gender  or  ethnic  groups,  these  generalizations  do  not  require  a  specific  research   design  such  as  random  equivalence  of  groups,  or  standardized  implementation  of  an   intervention.  Instead,  the  representativeness  of  the  samples  of  the  target   populations  is  the  second  key  criterion  used  for  probabilistic  generalizations.       Limitation.  Within  group  heterogeneity  that  limits  the  meaningfulness  of  causal   claims  in  analytic  generalization  for  sub-­‐groups  or  individuals  leads  to  similar   limitations  in  probabilistic  generalization.  National  surveys  of  achievement  are   primary  data  sources  for  making  probabilistic  generalizations.  For  example,  one  of   the  primary  foci  of  large-­‐scale  surveys  of  achievement  –  e.g.,  the  National   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  11   Assessment  of  Educational  Progress  (NAEP)  or  international  assessments  such  as   PISA  –  is  to  compare  outcome  levels  of  males  and  females,  countries,  or  ethnic   groups.  Using  the  recent  PISA  reading  results,  we  plotted  the  distribution  of  reading   scores  for  Canadian  boys  and  girls  (Figure  2b).  These  distributions  of  scores  have  a   great  degree  of  overlap,  so  that  claims  such  as  “girls  are  outperforming  boys”  are  not   meaningful.  At  each  score  level,  we  find  boys  and  girls,  though  at  higher  scoring   levels,  there  are  more  girls  than  boys  with  a  given  score  (right,  Figure  2b),  whereas   there  are  more  boys  than  girls  with  a  given  score  at  lower  scoring  levels  (left,  Figure   2b).  Which  girls  are  outperforming  which  boys?  Clearly  some  boys  are   outperforming  some  girls.  In  fact,  as  recent  results  in  the  UK  show,  although  girls   tend  to  exhibit  higher  achievement  scores  on  average  (e.g.,  number  of  A’s  in  A-­‐level   courses),  there  are  more  boys  than  girls  among  the  very  highest  scoring  students   (Clark  &  Preece,  2012).  Thus,  the  claims  for  generalizing  group  differences  become   even  more  complex  and  problematic  when  we  look  at  gender  differences  between   sub-­‐groups  such  as  those  from  different  socio-­‐economic  background,  language   groups,  and  others.  A  similar  limitation  exists  when  making  knowledge  claims   related  to  relationships  between  variables.  Probabilistic  generalization  that  focuses   on  describing  population  characteristics  can  lead  to  knowledge  claims  that  involve   statistical  concepts  –  e.g.,  mean,  frequency,  mean  differences,  or  correlations  –  may   not  apply  to  sub-­‐groups  and  may  have  limited  value  for  guiding  policy  and  practice.     «««««  Insert  Figure  2  about  here  »»»»»     Essentialist  Generalization         Structure.  Essentialist  generalization  is  the  result  of  a  systematic  interrogation   of  “the  particular  case  by  constituting  it  as  a  ‘particular  instance  of  the  possible’  .  .  .   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  12   in  order  to  extract  general  or  invariant  properties  that  can  be  uncovered  only  by   such  interrogation”  (Bourdieu,  1992,  p.  233).  In  this  approach,  every  case  is  taken  as   expressing  the  underlying  law  or  laws;  the  approach  intends  to  identify  invariants  in   phenomena  that  on  the  surface  look  like  they  have  little  or  nothing  in  common   (Roth,  2012).  Thus,  for  example,  Vygotsky  (1971)  derived  a  general  theory  of  the   psychology  of  art  based  on  the  analysis  of  three  very  different  literary  genres:  a   fable,  a  short  story,  and  a  tragedy.  He  concludes:     We  have  ascertained  that  contradiction  is  the  essential  feature  of  artistic   form  and  material.  We  have  also  found  that  the  essential  part  of  aesthetic   response  is  the  manifestations  of  the  affective  contradiction  which  we  have   designated  by  the  term  catharsis.  (p.  217,  original  emphasis,  underline   added)       Having  derived  his  psychology  of  art  based  on  individual  case  studies  generally   and  the  role  of  catharsis  more  specifically,  Vygotsky  notes  that  “it  would  be  very   important  to  show  how  catharsis  is  achieved  in  different  art  forms,  what  its  chief   characteristics  are,  and  what  auxiliary  processes  and  mechanisms  are  involved  in”   (p.  217).  That  is,  although  Vygotsky  developed  the  categories  of  affective   contradiction  and  catharsis  and  their  role  in  human  development  from  the  analysis   of  a  concrete  case,  which  he  subsequently  verifies  by  means  of  analogy  in  two   further  cases,  he  arrives  at  generalizations  that  are  much  broader  than  the  three   texts  he  analyzed  and  much  broader  than  the  written  forms  of  art.  Thus,  as  shown  in   Figure  3,  because  the  categories  constitute  the  essential  feature  of  artistic  form  and   material  they  equally  can  be  found  in  painting  and  music  (blues,  classical,  or  any   other  form).  In  a  subsequent  text  he  summarily  states:  “the  principle  of  art  as  well  is   dealing  with  a  reaction  which  in  reality  never  manifested  itself  in  a  pure  form,  but   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  15   that  it  conceals  under  the  appearance  of  singularity”  (p.  234).  One  achieves  this  by   completely  immersing  oneself  “in  the  particularity  of  the  case  at  hand  without   drowning  in  it  .  .  .  to  realize  the  intention  of  generalization  .  .  .  through  this  particular   manner  of  thinking  the  particular  case  which  consists  of  actually  thinking  it  as  such”   (pp.  233–234).  Case-­‐based  research  too  frequently  does  not  lead  to  generalization   and  furthermore  “inclines  us  toward  a  sort  of  structural  conservatism  leading  to  the   reproduction  of  scholarly  doxa”  (p.  248).  In  the  case  of  phenomenography,   researchers  tend  to  catalogue  the  kinds  of  experiences  research  participants  have   but  tend  to  fail  seeking  generalizations  that  would  explain  why  participants   experience  a  situation  in  this  or  that  manner  under  given  conditions  (e.g.,  Roth,   2009a,  2009b).       Additional  Research  Generalization  Criteria:  Population  Heterogeneity  and   Uses       [I]n  the  case  of  stating  truly  or  falsely,  just  as  much  as  in  the  case  of  advising   well  or  badly,  the  intents  and  purposes  of  the  utterance  and  its  context  are   important;  what  is  judged  true  in  a  school  book  may  not  be  so  judged  in  a   work  of  historical  research.  (Austin,  1962/1975,  p.  143,  emphasis  added)       The  criteria  for  generalization  –  i.e.,  the  types  of  evidence  needed  to  support   knowledge  claims  –  vary  in  different  types  of  generalizations.  In  analytic   generalization,  the  key  criteria  are  (1)  whether  a  systematic  difference  between   experimental  and  control  groups  can  be  supported  by  statistical  evidence  and  (2)   whether  the  change  in  experimental  group  outcomes  can  be  causally  linked  to  the   intervention.  In  probabilistic  generalization,  the  key  criteria  are  (1)  whether   systematic  patterns  in  the  sample  can  be  supported  by  statistical  evidence  and  (2)   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  16   whether  the  sample  is  representative  of  the  population.  In  essentialist   generalization,  the  degree  to  which  essential  (i.e.,  common  to  all  cases)  aspects  of   the  case  are  found  in  other  cases  of  people,  interventions,  and  contexts  determine   whether  generalization  claims  are  supported.  To  what  extent  are  these  currently   used  criteria  for  research  generalization  sufficient  for  determining  meaningfulness   and  applicability  of  knowledge  to  inform  policy  and  practice?       In  analytic  generalization,  the  causal  claim  “the  intervention  causes  the   difference  between  the  control  and  experimental  groups”  or  in  the  probabilistic   generalization  “girls  are  performing  higher  than  boys  in  the  reading  assessment”  are   targeted  to  be  at  the  group  level.  Generalization  of  such  claims  is  based  on  statistical   analysis  of  between-­‐group  variation  –  also  referred  to  as  the  “variable  model”   (Holzkamp,  1983;  Maxwell,  2004)  or  the  “snapshot,  bookend,  between-­‐groups   paradigm”  (Winne  &  Nesbitt,  2010,  p.  653).  This  approach  entails  within-­‐group   homogeneity.  Researchers  have  criticized  the  use  of  between-­‐group  analyses  for   making  claims  about  within-­‐individual  processes.  Thus,       there  is  an  almost  universal  –  but  surprisingly  silent  –  reliance  on  what  may   be  called  a  uniformity-­‐of-­‐nature  assumption  in  doing  between-­‐subject-­‐ analyses;  the  relation  between  mechanisms  that  operate  at  the  level  of  the   individual  and  models  that  explain  variation  between  individuals  is  often   taken  for  granted,  rather  than  investigated.  (Borsboom  et  al.,  2003,  p.  215)         A  great  deal  of  other  research  findings  parallel  this  position  (cf.,  Ercikan,  Roth,   Simon,  Sandilands  and  Lyons-­‐Thomas,  in  press;  Molenaar,  1999,  2004;  Molenaar,   Huizenga,  &  Nesselroade,  2003;  Oliveri,  Ercikan  &  Zumbo,  in  press  a;  Oliveri,   Ercikan  &  Zumbo;  in  pressb).  These  findings  demonstrate  that  “if  a  model  fits  in  a   given  population,  this  does  not  entail  the  fit  of  the  same  model  for  any  given  element   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  17   from  a  population,  or  even  for  the  majority  of  elements  from  that  population”   (Borsboom  et  al.,  2003,  p.  213).  Similarly,  qualitative  research  often  fails  to   recognize  that  in  the  apparent  diversity  of  phenomena  there  are  fundamental   commonalities  in  the  processes  of  their  generation  (Garfinkel,  2002;  Vygotsky,   1927/1997).       In  our  introductory  quotation  to  this  section,  Austin  points  out  that  to  establish   the  truth  or  falsity  of  a  statement  we  need  to  know  its  context  intents  and  its  and   purposes  (i.e.,  uses).  In  this  section  we  introduce  two  additional  criteria  when   making  generalization  claims  that  address  context  and  use  of  knowledge  claims.   Respectively,  these  are  (a)  heterogeneity  in  the  target  population  and  (b)  the  degree   to  which  claims  apply  to  the  targeted  uses.     Population  Heterogeneity  as  a  Criterion  in  Research  Generalization       The  question  about  the  degree  to  which  some  research  claim  provides  useful   direction  for  practice  and  policy  depends  on  the  degree  to  which  findings  apply  to   the  relevant  sub-­‐groups  or  individuals.  Applicability  of  research  findings  to  the   relevant  units  (individual,  sub-­‐group,  group)  is  at  the  core  of  potential  for  research   to  inform  pedagogy,  policy,  or  social  theory.  Research  inferences  targeted  to  broadly   defined  populations  have  significant  limitations  in  their  applicability  to   understanding  or  to  making  decisions  regarding  sub-­‐groups  of  the  populations  such   as  gender,  ethnic,  and  ability  groups  of  students.  Cronbach  (1982)  highlights   diversity  in  the  population  and  its  potential  effect  on  inferences  by  stating  that  “the   summary  statistics  on  the  sample,  or  the  estimates  for  UTOS  or  a  sub-­‐UTOS,  are   usually  not  an  adequate  base  for  inference  about  *UTOS.  Insofar  as  there  is  diversity   in  the  data,  the  consumer  should  be  told  about  that  diversity  and  any  factors   associated  with  it”  (p.  167).  [5]  As  a  result,  the  researcher  will  have  “to  work  back   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  20   on  such  models  suffer  from  the  problems  Rogosa  and  his  colleagues  elaborated  on   almost  three  decades  ago.  Similar  to  proponents  of  inter-­‐individual  research   designs,  Winne  (2006)  suggests  that  there  is  a  need  to  examine  individual  student   learning  traces  using  interactive  learning  software  such  as  the  gStudy  to  inform   reform  efforts  to  improve  learning.     Another  widely  used  research  approach  draws  on  correlational  studies  to   determine  factors  that  are  associated  with  better  educational  outcomes.  Very   commonly  used  correlational  research  uses  statistical  methods  that  typically   employ  ecological  correlations  (Robinson,  1950),  such  as  Pearson  correlations,   which  capture  associations  between  variables  for  groups.  These  correlations  use   marginal  frequencies  for  estimating  group  level  associations.  An  alternative  statistic   individual  correlation  is  defined  as  “a  correlation  in  which  the  statistical  object  or   thing  described  is  indivisible”  (p.  351).  Individual  correlation  is  based  on  individual   level  variable  values  such  as  gender,  height,  education  level,  rather  than  marginal   frequencies  for  groups.  Robinson  demonstrates  that  ecological  correlation  differs  by   level  of  aggregation  and  that  ecological  correlations  cannot  be  used  as  indicators  of   individual  correlations.  Some  researchers  argue  that  accounting  for  within-­‐group   heterogeneity  by  multi-­‐level  modeling  in  correlational  research  may  address  the   problems  of  ecological  correlation  and  individual  correlations  may  not  be  needed   (Subramanian,  Jones,  Kaddour,  &  Krieger,  2009).  This  rationale  against  individual   correlations  is  not  convincing  to  some  researchers  (Oakes,  2009).  First,  multi-­‐level   models  have  several  assumptions  that  are  often  not  met  by  real  data.  Second,  multi-­‐ level  models  are  targeted  to  address  group-­‐level  associations  and  do  not  capture   associations  for  individuals  or  sub-­‐groups,  which  may  have  very  different   associations  (Oakes,  2009).       The  issue  of  heterogeneity  poses  itself  differently  in  essentialist  generalization.   This  is  so  because  this  form  of  generalization  inherently  acknowledges  and  is  based   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  21   on  the  diversity  in  which  a  generalization  manifests  itself  (see  Figure  3).  Read  from   left  to  right,  the  figure  exemplifies  how  a  generalization  leads  to  the  diversity  of   particulars  inherent  in  it  but  not  to  the  particulars  of  other  generalizations   (Vygotsky,  1971).  The  problem  lies  in  the  identification  of  the  generalization  to   which  the  particular  case  of  interest  belongs.  Thus,  for  example,  Piaget’s  work  on   reasoning  is  problematic  not  because  he  did  not  generalize;  rather,  it  is  problematic   because  it  does  not  apply  in  the  case  of  the  fundamental  restructuring  of  reasoning   that  (schooling)  culture  and  language  bring  about  (e.g.,  Harris,  2001;  Luria,  1976).     Once  a  true  generalization  has  been  found,  however,  it  will  apply  to  every  case;  it   only  manifests  itself  differently  in  different  cases.  Therefore,  in  contrast  to  the  two   other  forms  of  generalization,  essentialist  generalization  inherently  addresses   heterogeneity  as  long  as  we  take  into  account  the  contextual  particulars  relevant  to   the  manifestation  of  the  generalization.       Uses  of  Knowledge  Claims  as  Criterion  for  Generalizing       A  study  on  research  use  suggests  that  there  tends  to  be  a  lack  of  uptake  of   research  evidence  on  the  part  of  teachers  (Williams  &  Coles,  2003).  The  study  shows   that  links  between  research  output  and  practice  often  are  not  apparent.  Moreover,   often  overlooked  in  the  research  on  knowledge  use  is  the  relation  between   knowledge  and  interests  (e.g.,  Habermas,  2008).  Thus,  as  the  introductory  quotation   from  Austin  shows,  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  statements  (knowledge  claims)   depends  on  the  intents  and  purposes  (i.e.,  uses)  of  a  statement  (knowledge  claim).   Similarly,  the  question  about  the  extent  to  which  we  can  generalize  research  results   cannot  be  limited  to  evaluating  consistency,  reliability  across  observations,  or   validity  of  interpretations  (Bachman,  2009).  Rather,  the  evaluation  of  the  extent  to   which  research  claims  are  generalizable  needs  “to  consider  the  uses  that  may  be   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  22   made  of  our  research  results,  and  the  consequences  of  these  uses  for  various   individuals  who  may  be  affected  by  them”  (p.  127).  Granting  councils  around  the   world  already  are  sensitive  to  the  relationship  between  knowledge  and  use.  Thus,   for  example,  the  Canadian  Institute  for  Health  Research     defines  a  knowledge-­‐user  as  an  individual  who  is  likely  to  be  able  to  use  the   knowledge  generated  through  research  to  make  informed  decisions  about   health  policies,  programs  and/or  practices.  A  knowledge-­‐user's  level  of   engagement  in  the  research  process  may  vary  in  intensity  and  complexity   depending  on  the  nature  of  the  research  and  his/her  information  needs.  A   knowledge-­‐user  can  be,  but  is  not  limited  to,  a  practitioner,  policy-­‐maker,   educator,  decision-­‐maker,  health  care  administrator,  community  leader,  or   an  individual  in  a  health  charity,  patient  group,  private  sector  organization,   or  media  outlet.  (CIHR,  2011)       There  now  exists  extensive  empirical  evidence  that  knowledge  is  situated  and   specific  to  the  circumstances  so  that  what  is  useful  in  one  setting  is  not  useful  in   another  (e.g.,  Lave,  1988;  Lobato,  2006;  Packer,  2001;  Saxe,  1991;  Tuomi-­‐Gröhn  &   Engeström,  2003).  It  may  therefore  not  come  as  a  surprise  that  some  scholars  refer   to  knowledge  in  the  plural  form,  as  in  “situated  knowledges”  (e.g.,  Haraway,  1991).   In  this  section,  we  discuss  a  research  use  argument  in  the  light  of  the  preceding   discussion  of  the  three  forms  of  generalization.     The  alternate  levels  of  generalization  allow  us  to  understand  that  there  are   different  ways  in  which  change  in  education  may  be  brought  about.  For  example,   much  of  current  educational  policy  practice  is  to  target  tendencies  such  as  the   overall  positive  correlations  between  educational  practice  and  learning  outcomes  or   an  increase  of  group  level  learning  outcomes.  This,  as  in  analytic  generalization,   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  25   Figure  2a  that  statisticians  treat  as  error  variance.  A  superintendent  of  schools   might  decide,  based  on  the  results  of  (quasi-­‐)  experiments  to  foster  teaching  science   using  a  hands-­‐on  approach  over  lecture  style  approaches.  She  may  make  available   funding  to  assist  teachers  in  learning  how  to  teach  with  this  new  method.  All  of   these  decisions  need  to  be  guided  by  different  types  of  evidence  that  the  resulting   actions  at  the  student,  classroom,  teacher  and  school  levels  will  lead  to   improvement.       The  idea  that  a  generalization  meets  the  needs  of  particular  cases  underlies  the   concept  of  phronesis  sometimes  discussed  by  teacher  educators  (e.g.,  Eisner,  2002)   whereby  the  practitioner  invents  conduct  such  that  the  rule/law  derived  from   generalization  is  violated  to  the  minimum  while  satisfying  the  exceptional   circumstances  required  by  solicitude  (Ricœur,  1990).  To  provide  another  example,   general  interests  are  distinguished  from  particular  interests,  most  often  represented   in  and  by  “interest  groups”  and  the  lobbyists  that  represent  them.  Effective   generalization  means  that  the  interests  of  all  interest  groups  are  met.  Is  this   possible?  In  the  context  of  education,  the  cogenerative  dialogue  is  one  form  of  praxis   that  brings  together  every  different  stakeholder  group  –  e.g.,  students,  teacher,   department  head,  and  assistant  principal  –  for  the  purpose  of  making  decisions   about  concrete  next  steps  that  are  in  the  interest  of  all  those  using  and  being   affected  by  the  decisions  (Roth  &  Tobin,  2002;  Tobin,  2009).       Consideration  of  a  set  of  generalizations  at  different  levels,  individual,  sub-­‐ population  and  population,  therefore  occur  at  the  very  heart  of  educational  praxis,   whereby  all  stakeholders  commit  to  act  in  the  general  interest  rather  than  in  the   particular  interests  of  one  or  the  other  special  (interest)  group.  Knowledge   underlying  the  common  plan  inherently  is  shared  and  therefore  of  generalized   nature  rather  than  of  a  nature  particular  to  an  individual  or  group.  Responding  to   our  rhetorical  question,  yes,  it  is  possible  to  produce  useful  generalizations  if  these   GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  26   are  tailored  beforehand  to  the  needs  of  the  particular  user.  Educational  researchers   therefore  need  to  include  the  uses  in  their  evaluations  of  research  generalization  in   addition  to  evaluating  consistency,  reliability,  or  validity.  Our  recommendation   thereby  is  consistent  with  the  suggestion  that  research  should  be  concerned  with   tactical  authenticity  by  providing  stakeholders  with  the  means  that  allow  them  to   empower  themselves  (Guba  &  Lincoln,  1989);  but  we  extend  this  argument  beyond   the  particular  epistemological  underpinnings  to  which  it  was  initially  applied  and  to   all  forms  of  generalization  discussed  in  this  article.     Final  Note       The  purpose  of  this  paper  is  to  provide  an  overarching  framework  that  includes   population  heterogeneity  and  uses  of  knowledge  as  integral  aspects  in  the  process   of  research  generalization  and  in  the  production  of  evidence  on  which  educational   policy  analysis,  evaluation,  and  decision-­‐making  are  based.  The  power  of  research   derives  from  the  fact  that  it  produces  knowledge  that  can  be  used  in  multiple   settings.  In  educational  research,  however,  the  question  too  often  has  been  more   about  the  use  of  qualitative  or  quantitative  method  rather  than  about  the  potential   of  research  to  contribute  to  the  improvement  of  education.  Yet,  to  paraphrase   Bourdieu  for  our  own  purposes,  educational  research  “is  something  much  too   serious  and  too  difficult  to  allow  ourselves  to  mistake  scientific  rigidity,  which  is  the   nemesis  of  intelligence  and  invention,  for  scientific  rigor”  (Bourdieu,  1992,  p.  227,   original  emphasis).  Mistaking  rigidity  and  rigor  would  dismiss  some  research   methods  and  lead  us  to  miss  out  on  the  “full  panoply  of  intellectual  traditions  of  our   discipline  and  of  the  sister  disciplines  of  anthropology,  economics,  history,  etc.”  (p.   227).     GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  27     The  problems  deriving  from  over-­‐generalizing  exist  in  both  quantitative  and   qualitative  research.  It  is  such  over-­‐generalizing  that  we  need  to  guard  against  most   vigorously  by  taking  into  account  (a)  the  diversity  in  the  populations  of  interest  and   (b)  uses  of  knowledge  from  educational  research  as  indicators  of  the  quality  of   empirical  evidence  for  policy  and  practice.  Here  we  argue  for  the  inclusion  of   population  heterogeneity  and  knowledge  uses  when  considering  educational   research  generalization.  With  respect  to  the  latter,  one  may  only  speculate  about  the   absence  of  uses  as  a  criterion.  It  may  well  be  that  the  research  communities   represented  in  journals  and  authors  of  journal  articles  hope  to  reach  the  widest   audience  possible  and  therefore  generalize  their  findings  across  specific  uses.   However,  the  different  knowledge  interests  and  needs  that  characterize  teachers,   politicians,  evaluators,  analysts,  policymakers,  or  high-­‐level  administrators  should   highlight  the  importance  that  knowledge  use  is  an  important  dimension  of  its   generality.  Including  population  heterogeneity  as  a  criterion  of  the  extent  to  which  it   is  possible  to  generalize  research  findings  simply  means  recognizing  (a)  diversity   along  a  virtually  infinite  number  of  dimensions  within  society  and  (b)  that  what  is   beneficial  for  one  identifiable  group  may  be  neutral  or  detrimental  for  another   group  even  though  they  appear  to  be  very  similar.  This  recognition  needs  to  be   accompanied  with  clarity  in  how  research  findings  are  reported  and  an  explicit   identification  of  limits  of  generalizations.  These  can  include  clear  identification  of   specifics  of  the  domain  about  which  the  research  question  is  asked  including  units   (U),  treatments  (T),  observing  operations  (O),  and  settings  (S)  of  UTOS  (Cronbach,   1982).  We  refer  to  these  as  referents  in  research  reporting  (Roe,  2012).  In  addition   to  descriptions  of  UTOS,  there  is  a  need  to  consider  and  discuss  the  degree  to  which   research  findings  would  be  invariant  in  contexts  not  represented  by  UTOS.  These   will  constitute  the  boundary  conditions  for  the  research  claims.     GENERALIZING  FROM  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCH  30   language,  student  (mis-­‐)  conceptions  inherently  are  cultural  (common,  general)   rather  than  personal  (singular,  special)  phenomena  (Roth,  Lee,  &  Hwang,  2008).   This  has  far-­‐reaching  implications  in  that  this  research  suggests  the  impossibility  of   “eradicating  misconceptions,”  a  long-­‐held  ideal  of  many  science  educators  working   from  a  conceptual  change  perspective.     Notes     [1]  Some  more  radical  “constructivist”  educators  favor  the  term  “transportability”  of   findings  (e.g.,  Guba  &  Lincoln,  1989);  but  the  underlying  concern  is  the  same:   making  use  of  research  findings  in  a  setting  other  and  therefore  wider  than  where   they  are  originally  produced.   [2]  The  adjective  “essentialist”  is  based  on  Vygotsky’s  (1927/1997)  description  of   this  form  of  generalization,  which,  as  shown  below,  has  as  its  goal  “not  a  systematic   exposition  of  a  psychological  theory  .  .  .  but  precisely  the  analysis  of  the  processes  in   their  essence”  (p.  319,  original  emphasis,  underline  added).    [3]  The  design  experiment  is  a  research  method  that  combines  experimental  and   case-­‐based  methods  to  investigate  complex  interventions;  it  is  intended  to  produce   generalizations  while  being  useful  to  the  particular  case  (Brown,  1992).   [4]  In  fact,  there  exists  an  insistence  on  the  part  of  many  “qualitative”  researchers   that  their  research  ought  not  pursue  generalization  because  “[t]he  trouble  with   generalizations  is  that  they  don’t  apply  to  particulars”  (e.g.,  Lincoln  &  Guba,  1985,  p.   110).   [5]  UTOS  refers  to  domain  about  which  the  research  question  is  asked,  involving   units 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Figure  3.  Pattern  of  Vygotsky’s  (1971)  derivation  of  the  psychology  of  art  (contradiction  of  emotions   that  move  in  two  opposing  directions).  The  generalization  is  true  for  every  case.              
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