Shifting Perspectives on Homeless Services: A Dramatic Change from the Mid-1980s to 2008, Lecture notes of Social policy

Download Shifting Perspectives on Homeless Services: A Dramatic Change from the Mid-1980s to 2008 and more Lecture notes Social policy in PDF only on Docsity! 205Part B _ Evaluation Sustainable Solutions to Homelessness : The Irish Case. Eoin O’Sullivan School of Social Work and Social Policy, Trinity College Dublin, Dublin 2. Republic of Ireland. Abstract>> _ This article aims to critically review recent policy initiatives that have sought to prevent and eliminate homelessness in the Republic of Ireland. It aims to explain the processes that resulted in the dramatic shift that occurred in relation to homeless services between the mid-1980s and 2008. It is largely descriptive and provides a chronology of the key events that led to the publication in August 2008 of an ambitious strategy to eliminate long-term homelessness and the need to sleep rough in Ireland. In doing so, it will not only highlight the specifics of the Irish case, but also draw out implications for other member states. Key words>> _ Ireland ; homeless strategies ; social partnership. Introduction The aim of this article is to examine the evolution, determinants and outcomes of a series of interlinked developments that commenced in the late 1980s and acceler- ated from the late 1990s, which have attempted to address homelessness in the Republic of Ireland. In contrast to Scotland, whose approach to addressing home- lessness was reviewed in volume one of this journal (Anderson, 2007a ; see also Anderson, 2007b ; Pawson and Davidson, 2008 for further details on the Scottish case), the approach adopted in Ireland is not rooted in a legalistic approach, but rather on a consensual or negotiated problem-solving approach. This reflects the broader environment in which public policy-making has evolved since 1987, whereby macro-economic and social policy is broadly agreed every three years by the ‘social partners’ (Government, employers, trade unions and NGOs), in a process known as ‘social partnership’ (O’Donnell, 2008). The paper does not attempt to test ISSN 2030-2762 / ISSN 2030-3106 online 206 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 the efficacy of the Irish approach vis-à-vis the Scottish approach or indeed other countries, but rather describes the Irish case, outlines the process of policy devel- opment and describes the outcomes to-date. It concludes with the lessons that may be learned from the Irish case and the sustainability of the process. The article is descriptive in approach rather than causal, and as such cannot scientifically evaluate the relationship between strategies and outcomes ; nonetheless it may provide important pointers for policy makers. Learning from as many jurisdictions as possible is crucial in devising appropriate responses to homelessness and in a recent review it was argued that “ [i]n Europe there are very few strategic approaches to homelessness. In fact, homelessness is often not considered as worthy of a policy response in its own right and may be relegated to the periphery of both housing and social policy arenas ” (Minnery and Greenhalgh, 2007 : 650). This may be a somewhat over-pessimistic interpretation of recent developments in Europe (see for example Anderson et al., (2008) who provide a review of policy responses in Scotland, Ireland and Norway ; also Busch-Geertsema and Fitzpatrick, (2008) on Germany and England), but certainly in the case of the Republic of Ireland this paper highlights that a strategic approach was developed and as a consequence homelessness, while perhaps not placed centre-stage in housing and social policy arenas, is certainly not relegated to the periphery. Background At a seminar on Homelessness in the European Community that was held in Ireland in September 19851, one of the keynote speakers commented that he was unable to give precise figure for the number of homeless persons in Ireland, as the most recent count was taken as far back as 19252. At the same conference its was argued that in Ireland “ [h]omeless people are catered for mainly by voluntary groups, agencies and charities… Voluntary agencies face chronic problems of lack of money and are dependent on goodwill… Most housing authorities will, at worst, refuse to house homeless persons, or at best will only consider the elderly homeless. They feel that 1 It is of note that one of the recommendations of the seminar was that “ the European Commission fund an association of organisations working with homeless people in the member states so that they may consult regularly on issues affecting homeless people, on methods that will secure improvements in the conditions of homeless people and advise the Commission on policy that will improve the conditions of homeless people ”. This recommendation led to the establishment of the Federation Europeenne d’Associations Nationales Travaillant avec les Sans Abris (FEANTSA) in 1989 and in 1991 the European Observatory on Homelessness. 2 This was a reference to the report of the Commission on the Relief of the Sick and Destitute Poor, Including the Insane Poor, which requested the Garda Siochana (police force) to carry out “ a census of homeless persons observed wandering on the public highways in a single night in November, 1925 ” (1928 : 27). They arrived at a figure of 3,257 homeless persons. 209Part B _ Evaluation social policy. These negotiations are underpinned by a review of economic and social policy by the National Economic and Social Council (NESC)6, which incorpo- rates all the key social partners. A voluminous literature now exists on conceptual- ising Social Partnership in Ireland, but as described by one of its key architects : “ [p]artnership involves the players in a process of deliberation that has the potential to shape and reshape their understanding, identity and preferences. This idea, that identity can be shaped in interaction, is important. It is implicit in NESC’s description of the process as ‘dependent on a shared understanding’, and ‘characterised by a problem-solving approach designed to produce consensus’ ” (O’Donnell, 1998 : 20). Recognising that the policies pursued over the past two decades have brought profound economic and social change, such as effective full employment and sharp decreases in the rate of consistent poverty, critics of the ‘Celtic Tiger’ economy have nonetheless argued that social policies have been subordinate to economic policies and deepening inequalities have characterised Irish society over the past decade. The declining proportion of GNP spent on social protection, which was the lowest in the EU in 2001 (Timonen, 2005) and the growth in relative poverty in recent years are often cited as evidence for this apparent lack of social solidarity that emerged side by side with economic prosperity. A review of these debates can be found in O’Riain (2008), but the important point for this paper is that, starting at a national level, new forms of governance which gradually filtered down to local areas and to diffuse areas of concern emerged from the late 1980s. As a consequence, a focus on shared understanding and problem-solving permeated the majority of policy areas ; homelessness was no exception. The Housing Act, 1988 As noted above, the Housing Act, 1988 specified the local housing authority as the statutory agency with responsibility for the homeless, partly ending earlier confusion over which statutory body had responsibility for providing for the needs of the homeless. However, the Act only permits local housing authorities to assist the homeless, but do not place an obligation on them to house homeless people. In other words, a right to housing does not exist (see Harvey (2008) on the debates leading up to the passing of the Act). The Act also provides a (broad) definition of homelessness and empowers local housing authorities to provide assistance to voluntary organisations who are approved by the Department of the Environment 6 Established in the early 1970s, the functions of the National Economic and Social Council are to analyse and report to the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) on strategic issues relating to the efficient development of the economy, the achievement of social justice, and the development of a strategic framework for the conduct of relations and the negotiation of agreements between the Government and the social partners. 210 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 for the provision or management of housing. It further obliges local housing authori- ties to conduct periodic assessments of housing need and homelessness ; provides for the type of assistance that homeless people may be provided with from a local housing authority ; and requires them to develop a scheme of letting priority. Within a short number of years of the implementation of the Act, a number of reviews were conducted to ascertain the extent to which homeless persons were being accommodated, which in the main concluded that minimal changes had taken place, which were of a direct benefit to the homeless. The pessimistic tone of these initial reviews of the impact of the Housing Act, 1988 on homelessness was not altogether surprising in light of the dramatic changes in local authority housing in the late 1980s and early 1990s and the perilous state of public finances. Local authority social housing output fell by two thirds in the late 1980s compared with the construction levels during the preceding decade. Additionally, the level of sales to tenants rose dramatically as a result of further increases in the subsidies to purchasers introduced in 1988. As a result, the stock of local authority housing declined by 15% from 116,270 to 98,395 units between 1988 and 1996. These developments, coupled with the impact of the surrender grant scheme, which enabled 9,000 mainly employed households to move out of local authority housing, contributed to the residualising and stigmatising of the remaining local authority housing estates, particularly in urban areas (Nolan et al., 1998). Local authorities were thus faced with a declining stock of housing units, a massively reduced social housing budget, largely welfare-dependent tenants, estates that were increasingly difficult to manage and virtually no form of estate management (except selling the stock). Given the scheme of letting priorities, which prioritised families and the elderly, single homeless persons were unlikely to be offered local authority accommodation. Thus, despite the aspirations of the 1988 Act, the struc- tural constraints faced by local authorities in the period immediately after its enactment made prioritising the single homeless problematic. If the single homeless were offered accommodation, it generally tended to be in hard-to-let flats complexes, many of which had been ravaged by the opiate epidemic that had emerged, particularly in Dublin, from the early 1980s. Strategic Focus By the mid 1990s, it was increasingly recognised that homelessness was more than a question of housing supply ; rather, other services were required for people to successfully exit homelessness on a long-term basis. In addition, in a review of service provision for the homeless in Dublin, it was noted “ that there are certain deficiencies both in the range of services provided and in the planning and co-ordi- nation of service delivery ” (Bardas Atha Cliath / Eastern Health Board, 1995 : 1). To remedy the situation, the report recommended a new administrative structure to 211Part B _ Evaluation deliver homeless services. Called the Homeless Initiative7, it was established in October 1996, with the objective of ensuring that services for homeless people were more effective, particularly by improving their planning, co-ordination and delivery as well as by ensuring the development of responses which enabled homeless people to settle, moving out of the cycle of homelessness. This was to be achieved through analysis, planning and the development of a strong partner- ship between all the agencies involved. The Initiative was funded jointly by two central Government Departments (the Departments of Health and Environment), operating under the direction of a Management Group comprising two senior officials each from Dublin Corporation (the local authority agency for Dublin) and the Eastern Health Board (the regional health authority). In addition, a consultative forum was convened, consisting of representatives from the Health Board, all local authorities in the greater Dublin region and from voluntary organisations providing services to homeless people. In an evaluation of the operation of the Initiative over its first five years, it was argued that : “ The Homeless Initiative made a significant contribution to improving the planned co- ordination of services for the homeless in the Dublin region. As an innovative approach to addressing problems of co-operation and co-ordination which apply across many areas of the public sector, the Initiative represented an important new way of working ” (Boyle et al., 2001 : 34). The establishment of the Homeless Initiative was a crucial catalyst in devising new ways of responding to homelessness, particularly in developing a partnership- based approach, which in turn provided the stimulus for the development of a national strategic approach to homelessness. The Government began this national strategic approach to homelessness with the establishment on the 19th of August 1998, of a Cross-Departmental Team on Homelessness under the auspices of the Cabinet Sub-Committee on Social Inclusion (Brownlee, 2008). With the publication of their deliberations in 2000, Homelessness – An Integrated Strategy (Department of the Environment and Local Government), the beginnings of a coherent national policy approach to the needs of homeless households became apparent8. The terms of reference for the cross-departmental team preparing this strategy were to “ develop an integrated response to the many issues which affect homeless people including emergency, transitional and long-term responses as well as issues relating 7 The Homeless Initiative was replaced by the Homeless Agency in 2000. 8 It should be noted that in 1983, an Ad-Hoc Committee on the Homeless was established under the aegis of the Department of Health ‘to examine and issue guidelines on the respective respon- sibilities as between health boards and local authorities for providing accommodation for homeless people’ (1984 : 1). The Report recommended that the provision of accommodation for the homeless should be the responsibility of the local authorities and that improved liasion arrangements should occur between the local authorities and the health authorities. 214 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 of major urban areas ” and that “ (w)ithout appropriate strategies non-metropolitan local authorities will continue to ’export‘their homeless constituents to large cities ” (2002 : 91). Reviewing the Strategy In January 2005, The Department of Environment, Heritage and Local Government announced the undertaking of an independent review of the Government’s Homeless Strategy(s). The terms of reference for this review were : “ (a) evaluate the progress made in the implementation of the Integrated and Preventative Homeless Strategies and their associated Homeless Action Plans ; (b) make recommendations to promote further progress in addressing the issue of homelessness, taking into account the levels of funding available, and with particular reference to evaluating the continued relevance of the Strategies and Action Plans in addressing the issue of homelessness ; identifying issues which may be affecting the achievement of the objectives and targets of the Strategies and Plans and evaluating the effectiveness of the overall service provision arrangements and funding mechanisms currently in place in addressing the short, medium and long-term needs of homeless persons ” (Fitzpatrick Associates, 2006 : 12). This report was published in February 2006. The report systematically reviewed the forty-three specific policy proposals identified in the two strategies and put forward twenty-one recommendations to aid the implementation of the strategies ; these were all accepted by Government. The substance of the report, in addition to the recommendations, was accepted almost universally by those voluntary agencies working with the homeless. As detailed in table 1, in relation to the integrated strategy, the consultants suggested that over 60% of the objectives outlined were either fully or significantly progressed. In relation to the preventative strategy, just under 30% were fully or significantly progressed. In the case of the integrated strategy, twenty-one of the objectives were deemed by the consultants still to be relevant, while some adjustment was required in terms of organisational ownership of the objective. In fifteen cases, the objective required some refocus. In the case of the preventative strategy, twelve of the objectives were deemed by the consultants still to be relevant. In all cases the correct agency was responsible for the objective and nine of the objectives required some refocusing 215Part B _ Evaluation Table 1 : Review of Homeless Strategies Homelessness – an Integrated Strategy Homelessness – a Preventative Strategy Fully Progressed 4 16.6 2 14.2 Significantly progressed 11 45.8 2 14.2 Partly Progressed 8 33.3 6 42.8 Little Progress 1 4.1 4 28.5 No Progress 0 0.0 0 0.0 Total 24 100.0 14 100.0 Source : Fitzpatrick Associates (2006) Review of Implementation of Homeless Strategies. (Dublin : Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government). While these outcomes were broadly positive, the review noted that a dominant feature of homeless services was the inconsistency of approach and organisation throughout the country. This was particularly the case outside of urban areas and this inconsistency resulted in a “ lack of equality in the treatment of homeless persons in different areas ” (2006 : 28). To deal with these inconsistencies, the review recommended that the production of locally-based homeless action plans should be put on a statutory basis. The report argued that while the provision of emergency accommodation in Ireland was now sufficient, the key challenge for the future was to refocus attention on the provision of long-term housing options and to “ develop appropriate short and long term care mechanisms that prevent insti- tutionalisation in ‘emergency’ accommodation and limit the recycling of homeless- ness ” (2006 : 32). As noted above, the review outlined twenty-one recommendations based both on their review of the objectives outlined in both strategies and other issues that arose in the course of the review. The report argues that in moving the homeless strate- gies forward, each agency working in this area, needed to refocus its energies to make “ itself largely obsolete, which should, after all, be its overarching goal ” (2006 : 128). To aid achievement of this objective, the report recommended that that the 216 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 two existing strategies should be revised and amalgamated, a national homeless consultative committee be established and all Government policy should be proofed for any impact it might have on homelessness10. Revising the Strategy In 2006, the Social Partners launched the current negotiated agreement, Towards 2016, which contained the promise that : “ it is proposed to amalgamate and update the Government’s Integrated and Preventative Homeless Strategies taking on board the recommendations of the recent independent review of the strategies. The situation of homeless persons who are currently in long-term emergency accommodation is of particular concern. The revised strategies will have as an underlying objective the elimina- tion of such homelessness by 2010 (recognising that this involves addressing the needs of up to 500 households). Particular emphasis will also be placed on improved co-ordination of service provision through the extension of joint agency approaches at local level to facilitate the development of a holistic response to the needs of homeless person. This will be achieved through the further development of a case management approach, based on individual needs assessment with provision for access to multiple services by all the statutory agencies involved. The involvement of the voluntary and cooperative housing sector will be strengthened through the establishment of a National Homelessness Consultative Committee including representatives of the social partnership C&V (Community and Voluntary) Pillar under the aegis of the Housing Forum. ” (Government of Ireland, 2006 : 55) In 2006, a National Homeless Consultative Committee (NHCC) was established to provide input into the development of the revised Homeless Strategy and ongoing Government policy on addressing homelessness. In addition, a data sub-group of this body was formed to facilitate data collection and management11. A health 10 Of particular interest to the Observatory is recommendation 18 which states “ [t]he definition of homelessness should be revisited in order to produce a clearer, unambiguous understanding of what homelessness means for measurement and funding purposes. This should be used as the basis for a common information gathering system establishing the causes, extent and nature of homelessness and rolled out to all areas of the country ” (2006 : 135). In particular, the report debated the utility of the ETHOS definition of homelessness and concluded that the “ adoption of this type of working definition would prove beneficial ” (2006 : 135). The revised strategy argued that the definition of homelessness under the Housing Act, 1988 was adequate and did not require revision, but that a review of the definition of homelessness for operational purposes would be carried out. This review “ will be undertaken by the Cross Department Team on Homelessness in consultation with the National Homeless Consultative Committee with reference to the ETHOS typology ” (2008 : 54). 11 Of which the author is a member. 219Part B _ Evaluation Projects / services that link homeless people or people at risk of homelessness • with educational / training activities that enhance their skills, qualifications and employment potential (2008 : 61)12. More significantly, the strategy does not envisage funding projects that “ do not contribute significantly to achieving the above priorities, or do not meet the needs of homeless people or people who are at serious risk of becoming homeless ” (2008 : 62). In addition, the strategy states that funding will not be provided where there is : “ unnecessary duplication of services ” ; “ services which are not cost- effective ” ; or where there are “ poor quality services ” with no plan to improve these services. To facilitate achieving these objectives, the strategy envisages the Cross Departmental Team on Homelessness taking a “ stronger and more proactive role in leading and monitoring the implementation of [the] strategy, in supporting local authorities and homeless for a in its local implementation ” (2008 : 68). Thus, while the strategy sees local authorities and the homeless fora as the means of achieving the objectives of the strategy, central Government will play a more active role than hitherto. A key criticism of earlier attempts by local homeless fora to devise homeless action plans was the absence of a statutory basis for their preparation. The strategy remedies this by placing them on a statutory basis and provides that the purposes of the plans are : “ to ensure that responses to the needs of house- holds who are homeless or at risk of homelessness are comprehensive, coherent and effective ” and must contain measures that : prevent homelessness from occurring or recurring ; • ensure adequate and appropriate emergency responses ; • develop where necessary specialist services to achieve an increase in the • responsiveness of mainstream services to prevent homelessness ; provide for the elimination of long-term homelessness ; • provide for long-term housing needs, with support needs as necessary ; • develop high quality, effective and holistic responses to the needs of people who • are homeless ; address the use of bed and breakfast accommodation, where necessary and • ensure that administrative and other systems are efficient, effective and accountable. 12 This funding criteria was orginally devised by the Homeless Initiative (2000) and applied in the greater Dublin region. 220 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 Over the eight years from when the first strategic overview of homeless services was published, a sea change has occurred in how homelessness is conceptualised and how best to address it. Despite a relatively gloomy economic prognosis over the next few years, albeit after a period of unprecedented economic growth, there is no indication that services for the homeless will be cut ; however, better use of the historically high levels of funding will be demanded, alongside the enhancement of standards and quality of service delivery. Outcomes – The Extent of Homelessness in Ireland. One measure, albeit a crude one, of assessing the outcome of the strategies is to look at the extent of homelessness in Ireland. As noted earlier, following the Housing Act, 1988, local housing authorities are legally obliged to carry out assessments of their homeless populations. Under Section 9 of the Act, each local housing authority is required to carry out, at periods not exceeding three years, assessments of the need for the provision by them of adequate and suitable accommodation for people (a) whom the Authority has reason to believe require, or are likely to require, accom- modation from the Authority (or voluntary body) ; and (b) who, in the opinion of the Authority, are in need of such long term accommodation and are unable to provide it from their own resources. The first assessment took place at the end of March 1989 and, to date, seven assessments have taken place. The three initial assess- ments provided relatively little detail on the characteristics of those households deemed by the local authorities to require accommodation from statutory or voluntary housing bodies but, in each successive assessment since 1996, more detailed information has been published, with the 2005 assessment providing the most detailed set of data so far13. The most recent assessment took place in March 2008 ; no detailed estimates have yet been published, but early indications are that the number of rough sleepers has declined since the 2005 assessment, while the overall number of homeless households has declined marginally. 13 Since the late 1990s, data collated by the Department of Health and Children from the regional health boards provide information on the number of children (of whom they are aware) who have left home as well as the reasons for their homelessness. The most recent data available suggest that, nationally, 364 children were identified as homeless (with 43% in the greater Dublin region) in 2005. A total of 774 children were identified as homeless in 1999 and 588 in 2000, suggesting that, not withstanding the slight increase in 2004, the medium-term trend is towards a decline in the number of children presenting as homeless. Of those recorded as homeless in 2005, the majority (87%) were aged between fifteen and eighteen years and in gender terms, almost equally split. 221Part B _ Evaluation Households, Housing and Homelessness The number of households deemed by local authorities to have a housing need has increased from 19,376 in the initial assessment in 1989 to 43,684 in the most recent assessment of 2005. A particularly sharp increase was recorded between 1996 and 2002 at the height of the “ Celtic Tiger ” boom, but a 9.8% decrease was recorded between 2002 and 200514. The 43,684 households recorded in 2005 comprised 87,635 individuals, of whom 41% were child dependants, down from 45% in 2002 and 46% in 1999. The last decade saw a substantial increase in the Irish population and this should be taken into account when measuring housing need. The number of households included in the assessment declined over the same period from thirty-six per 1,000 households in 2002 to thirty in 2005, while the number of indi- viduals included in the assessment declined from twenty-eight per 1,000 popula- tion to 21.2. While nationally the number of households assessed and recorded as having a housing need increased by some 60% between 1996 and 2005, consider- able variations are evident. For example, twenty-one authorities recorded a decrease in the number of such households over this period. In some cases, the decrease was relatively slight but, in others, it was significant15. Assessment of Homelessness Commencing with the 1991 Assessment of Housing Need, a separate, but parallel Assessment of Homelessness was conducted by local authorities. A key rationale for this was to ensure that homeless households not registered for Local Authority housing would be recorded for the purposes of enumerating the homeless population in Ireland. A total of 2,399 households were categorised as homeless in the 2005 assessment, a figure that is down marginally from 2002, but is considerably higher than the figures during the 1990s. Of these households, 2,078 were one-person households, with the remaining 321 incorporating more than one person. This trans- 14 One part of the explanation for the decrease between 2002 and 2005 is the more rigorous elimi- nation of multiple registered households, i.e. households registered with more than one Local Authority. There were 3,833 multiple registrations in 2005 compared with 3,288 in 2002. 15 Section 9 (2) of the Housing Act, 1988 stipulates that a housing authority in making an assess- ment of housing need shall have regard to the need for housing of persons who—(a) are homeless, (b) are persons to whom section 13 applies i.e. persons belonging to the class of persons who traditionally pursue or have pursued a nomadic way of life, (c) are living in accom- modation that is unfit for human habitation or is materially unsuitable for their adequate housing, (d) are living in overcrowded accommodation, (e) are sharing accommodation with another person or persons and who, in the opinion of the housing authority, have a reasonable require- ment for separate accommodation, (f ) are young persons leaving institutional care or without family accommodation, (g) are in need of accommodation for medical or compassionate reasons, (h) are elderly, (i) are disabled or handicapped, or ( j) are, in the opinion of the housing authority, not reasonably able to meet the cost of the accommodation which they are occupying or to obtain suitable alternative accommodation. 224 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 Significantly, the numbers recorded as sleeping rough declined from 312 in 2002 to 185 in 2005, to 104 in 2007 (when a rough sleepers count was conducted by the Homeless Agency, a decrease of 41% (see table 2). Of those sleeping rough in 2005, 70% were male, 50% were aged between twenty-one and thirty-nine and nearly half had been sleeping rough for more than two years. Table 2 : Numbers Sleeping Rough in Dublin, 1999-2008 1999 2002 2005 2008 275 312 185 111 In addition, data from the statutory Homeless Persons Unit show a decline in referrals to their service as shown in table 3. The number of new referrals in 2005 in largely attributable to a large number of citizens of new member states making contact with the service (Bergin, 2006). It is the dramatic decline in repeat referrals that is of particular note, suggesting a decline in the ‘churning’ or ‘recycling’ of homeless households between different agencies as well as better systems for administering social welfare payments. Table 3 : Number of Cases Referred to the Homeless Persons Unit, 2002-2006 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 New – – 1,878 1,902 1,615 Repeat – – 764 475 280 Total 3,049 2,988 2,642 2,377 1,895 Although considerable disagreements exist in relation to interpreting the data on the extent of homelessness in Ireland (O’Connor, 2008), on balance, the evidence suggests a decline. Nonetheless, as Pawson (2007) highlights, in relation to England, we need to ensure that any decline is not simply attributable to greater gate-keeping by local authorities. 225Part B _ Evaluation Interpreting Homelessness in Ireland The argument presented in this paper is that factors highlighted above have contributed to the decrease in homelessness in Ireland, not necessarily in some mechanistic manner, but rather it is their complex interaction that has contributed to the decline. Furthermore, for some sub-groups of the homeless population, such as those with an opiate addiction, the increased use of methadone may be a factor in stabilising in their lives and thus reduce their vulnerability to homelessness17. More generally, the gradual decline in the use of institutions to manage social problems from the 1970s onwards has also contributed to decreasing the flow of households into homelessness (O’Sullivan and O’Donnell, 2007). A striking feature of many of those over the age of fifty in homeless services is their history of insti- tutionalisation as children and / or as adults. The broadly positive analysis of recent developments in the governance of home- lessness presented in this paper is not shared, however, by all. Drawing on broader critiques of the changing governance of welfare in Ireland, Phelan and Norris (2008) characterise the structure of the delivery of homeless services in Dublin, under the ambit of the Homeless Agency, as neo-corporatist and driven, albeit not entirely, by the dictates of neo-liberalism. These developments have resulted, according to the authors, in an “ over-emphasis of the individual causes of homelessness and consequently on controlling the behaviour of clients, coupled with the failure to put in place all of the supports necessary to enable homeless people to access relevant services, has excluded a minority of ‘challenging’ clients from access to homeless services in Dublin or stymied their progress along the continuum of care from emergency to transitional and ultimately to long-term housing ” (2008 : 68-69). It is not clear how the authors square the neo-liberal intent of the Homeless Agency with the substantial increase in funding for homeless services. More particularly, the exclusion of individuals with ‘challenging’ behaviour is not novel, nor is it a consequence of neo-liberalism ; if anything, with the development of a specialist services such as ‘wet hostels’, and the requirement that explicit reasons need to be given before an individual is excluded from homeless services, fewer individuals are excluded than was the case in the recent past. Before the establishment of the Homeless Agency, active drug users, heavy drinkers, couples and others with chal- lenging behaviour were largely excluded from homeless services. The fact that a substantial decline in rough sleepers is evident is particularly incompatible with this view, as we would expect to see a substantial increase in their numbers if individuals 17 Estimates of the prevelance of opiate use in Ireland suggest stability since the late 1990s, but with a substantial increase in the numbers officially in receipt of methadone (Saris, 2008). 226 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 were being excluded form services. Neither does the view expressed by the authors that the Homeless Agency ‘over-emphasised’ the individualistic causes of home- lessness stand up to objective scrutiny when the various publications, and in particular its strategic plans, are examined. The Housing Context A key aspect of recent strategic focus is the provision of sustainable accommoda- tion options, allied to appropriate care planning. Access to housing is therefore crucial in meeting the needs of the homeless and the alleged absence of appro- priate housing for the homeless was a criticism levelled at the revised national homeless strategy by a number of voluntary agencies (Loughnan, 2008). As noted in the introduction, the private rented sector had been declining both in real terms and as a proportion of the housing stock since the foundation of the State until very recently. Due to the introduction of a range of financial incentives for landlords, particularly in the 1990s, the sector grew and continues to grow, accounting for somewhere in the region of 13-15% of the housing stock in 2008 compared to 8% in 1991. In addition, the implementation of the Private Residential Tenancies Act, 2004 provides a reasonably comprehensive set of mutual rights and obligations for both landlords and tenants. As this sector of the housing market expanded it became progressively easier for low-income households, particularly single male households to access this sector. Rents also decreased significantly from 2001 onwards, but stabilised in 2005. Rents increased during 2007, but have declined significantly in recent months. On a long term basis, rent levels, while volatile, are at much the same level today as they were seven years ago. The private rented housing sector is now a key provider of low-cost accommodation for households unable either to purchase housing on the open market or to access the various social and affordable housing programs. The number of households in receipt of a rent supplement grew to a peak of nearly 60,000 by 2004 and has stabilised at that figure for the past number of years. Although the expansion of the rent supplement system has been criticised by many, it does provide an increasingly accessible route into housing for households, particularly single person households, for whom market provision housing is not an option and who do not receive priority for the various social and affordable housing schemes. Nonetheless, in light of the fact that the rent allowance scheme was never intended to provide a long-term housing solution for households unable to provide housing from their own means, in 2005 a new scheme called the Rental Accommodation Scheme (RAS) was devised by central Government. RAS aimed to meet the housing needs of households that had been in receipt of a rent allowance for over eighteen months or, if homeless, immediately. To-date, over 14,000 house- holds have transferred to the scheme. 229Part B _ Evaluation she established Focus Ireland in 1985. She stated that “ in 1985, it was estimated that up to 1,000 people were homeless. There are now up to 5,000 people who are homeless at any one time ” (Kennedy, 2008). It is difficult to know what the evidence is for a stock figure of 5,000 homeless people. As noted above, the assessment of homelessness in 2005 showed only just over 3,000 homeless persons (including child dependents) and there is nothing to suggest that homelessness has increased so dramatically in the intervening three years ; equally puzzling is the figure of 1,000 homeless persons in 1985. Kennedy herself had suggested in her book on homeless women in Dublin that there were 384 women staying in hostels for the homeless in Dublin alone and a staggering 9,000 ‘hidden’ homeless women (1985 : 172). In 1986, the organisation founded by Sr. Kennedy found that there were approximately 1,000 residents of homeless hostels in Dublin alone (Murphy and Kennedy, 1988). The most cited figure in the mid-1980s by the majority of voluntary agencies was that there were in excess of 3,000 homeless people in Ireland. Indeed, this was the figure cited by Harvey at the conference on Homelessness in the European Union held in Cork in September 1985 and mentioned at the beginning of this paper. Therefore, it is perplexing that a claim could be made that the number of homeless people increased from 1,000 in 1985 to 5,000 in 2008. It would seem that apprehen- sions amongst service providers that their historically high levels of funding may either not be increased or suffer a cut has generated a response to recent initiatives that denies the substance of positive changes in recent years. Perhaps the final observation is that an approach which is based on shared under- standing and a problem-solving methodology may be ultimately more successful in tackling homelessness in a low key, incremental manner, than an aggressive legalistic approach which utilises the Courts in an adversarial manner, in an attempt to generate a desired outcome. Legalistic approaches or rights-based approaches have an intuitive appeal in that they appear to offer radical and relatively immediate solutions to righting social wrongs. However, an alternative approach to solving social problems such as homelessness, has been sketched out in this paper and in the long run, may provide more robust and intended outcomes than those offered by the legalistic route. 230 European Journal of Homelessness _ Volume 2, December 2008 References>> Anderson, I. (2007a) Sustainable Solutions to Homelessness : the Scottish Case. European Journal of Homelessness, 1 pp. 163-183. Anderson, I. 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