THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL THE PACKAGE HOLIDAY, Study Guides, Projects, Research of Tourism

Download THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL THE PACKAGE HOLIDAY and more Study Guides, Projects, Research Tourism in PDF only on Docsity! THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL THE PACKAGE HOLIDAY; PARTICIPANT, CHOICE AND BEHAVIOUR being a Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Geography The University, Hull by Andrew Nicholas Laing, B.Sc. September 1987 3 0 SEP 19 87 GEOGRAPHY SUMMARY OF THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Andrew N. Laing THE PACKAGE HOLIDAY; PARTICIPANT, CHOICE AND BEHAVIOUR This research provides an explanation of package holidaymaking behaviour based on the analysis of data gathered through 303 interview-administered questionnaires in Hull. Strict statistical links are used hand-in-hand with informal, qualitative information to generate a thorough understanding of key elements in the holiday decision-making process. Three levels of behaviour are examined. General participation separates the package holidaymaking population from non-holidaymakers and independent travellers. Package holiday 'habits' are then examined; repeat purchasing, booking I the holiday party, services, timing and behaviour whilst on holiday. Finally, spatial patterns are analysed according to relative location (travel time, linear distance, and the home/abroad dichotomy) and absolute location (proximity to the coast, and resort qualities). Explanation is largely based on the holidaymaker's characteristics, represented by trad- itional sociodemographic and economic measures, and by a number of life- style factors. The finer investigation of spatial patterns is accompanied by a detailed analysis of destination choice, primarily structured around information sources, place-specificity and the resort characteristics sought after. The destination decision, and its role in overall choice of holiday, acts as a unifying theme throughout the research. Holiday choice emerges as a highly individualistic phenomenon loosely set within a framework of predictive parameters. Economic factors tend to set fairly rigid constraints on behaviour, as exemplified by the distinction between both homestayers and holidaymakers, and travellers by air and coach. Within these basic guidelines, the two main explanatory themes rest on the notion of 'holiday careers' and the role of risk in holiday choice. The former attributes current behaviour to a succession of experiences through time that tend to establish personal habits. Risk encompasses a wide range of issues, and is often manifested in satisficing behaviour. Its role in holiday choice is as an enforcer of decisions rather than a prime factor, though its influence is widespread. A wealth of supplementary ties support the hypothesis that behaviour is an outcome of the holidaymaker's characteristics. In the case of spatial pat- terns, particularly the location of the holiday destination relative to the home, this is systematically related to the destination decision. The difference between holidays at home and abroad is the most telling distinc- tion, and encapsulates many of the important themes contributing towards an understanding of package holidaymaking choice and behaviour. 8 8 10 11 13 CONTENTS List of Tables, Diagrams and Appendices PAGE CHAPTER ONE : A BRIEF HISTORY OF HOLIDAY TRAVEL 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.2 THE PERIOD UPTO 1840 3 1.2.1 Travel in Ancient History 3 1.2.2 Renaissance revival and the Grand Tour 5 1.2.3 Spa town and seaside 6 1.3 1840 TO THE INTER-WAR YEARS 1.3.1 Pleasure travel and the Industrial Revolution 1.3.2 Transport technology: The age of coal and steam 1.3.3 Growth of the English seaside resort 1.3.4 Origin and development of the package holiday 1.4 WORLD WAR TWO AND AFTER; THE YEARS OF GROWING PROSPERITY 15 1.4.1 The diffusion of paid leave and transport technology 15 1.4.2 Air transport and evolution of the package holiday product 17 CHAPTER TWO : CONTEMPORARY PACKAGE HOLIDAYMAKING 22 2.1 TOURISM TRENDS AND THE ROLE OF THE PACKAGE TOUR 22 2.1.1 Participation 22 2.1.2 Destination patterns 24 2.1.3 Service elements 28 2.1.4 Date, duration and frequency 32 2.2 CURRENT ISSUES WITHIN THE TOUR OPERATING INDUSTRY 37 2.2.1 Supply system structure; vertical integration of activities 37 2.2.2 Horizontal agglomeration and competitive advantage 39 CHAPTER THREE : A REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE FIELDS AND THEIR USES 43 3.1 LOCATION OF SOURCES 43 3.2 THE TOURIST 44 3.2.1 Typologies, conceptualisation and applicability 44 3.2.2 Documentation of factors influencing tourist behaviour 46 3.3 THE HOLIDAY DECISION-MAKING PROCESS 51 3.3.1 Evaluation framework 51 3.3.2 Pinpointing the decision-maker 53 3.3.3 An overview of tourist motivation 54 3.3.4 Initial travel desire 56 3.3.5 Specific holiday motives 59 3.3.6 Information search and the role of images 62 3.3.7 Means of selection from alternative choices 65 PAGE 3.4 LEISURE AND RECREATION STUDIES 66 3.4.1 The nature of application 66 3.4.2 Work/leisure relationships 68 3.4.3 Behavioural careers and the life cycle 69 3.5 THE CONTRIBUTION OF PSYCHOLOGY 72 3.5.1 Decision-making and motivation theory 72 3.5.2 Weather, mood and behaviour 73 3.5.3 The role of fashion 75 3.6 CONSUMER CHOICE RESEARCH 76 3.6.1 Validation and coverage 77 3.6.2 Risk and purchase behaviour 78 3.6.3 The concept of 'conspicuous consumption' 80 CHAPTER FOUR : PRESENTING THE CURRENT STUDY 82 4.1 CONCEPTUAL DESIGNATION 82 4.1.1 Research objectives 82 4.1.2 Definitions employed 84 4.2 STRUCTURE AND APPROACH 87 4.2.1 The pattern of investigation 87 4.2.2 Research typology 89 4.2.3 Population characteristics; coverage and employment 90 4.2.4 Intermediary linkage and decision-making measures 92 CHAPTER FIVE : THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK 96 5.1 DATA ACQUISITION 96 5.1.1 Choice of a suitable capture device 96 5.1.2 Questionnaire design 97 5.1.3 Questions and the use of information 99 5.2 SAMPLE DERIVATION 102 5.2.1 The size required 102 5.2.2 Tracing a source 103 5.2.3 Selection procedures 108 5.3 FIELDWORK PRACTICE 111 5.3.1 Questionnaire implementation and administrative strategy 111 5.3.2 Survey execution 112 5.4 THE DATA MATRIX 117 5.4.1 Database preparation 117 5.4.2 Methods of analysis 122 5.4.3 The sample: representation and outline 126 CHAPTER SIX : HOME-STAYER AND HOLIDAYMAKER 136 6.1 NON-HOLIDAYMAKERS 136 6.1.1 Identification: profile controls over holiday participation 137 6.1.2 Decision criteria 1143 PAGE 6.2 INDEPENDENT HOLIDAYMAKERS 147 6.2.1 Separation parameters 147 6.2.2 Decision criteria 157 6.3 THE PACKAGE HOLIDAYMAKER 162 6.3.1 Resume: descriptive profile and key identification features 162 6.3.2 Preferences for packaged travel 171 CHAPTER SEVEN : PACKAGE HOLIDAY HABITS 182 7.1 OVERVIEW 182 7.1.1 Coverage and perspectives on behaviour 182 7.1.2 Data patterns; dissecting the holiday 'mix' 183 7.2 PREVIOUS EXPERIENCE AND PRODUCT FAMILIARITY 194 7.2.1 Resort allegiance 194 7.2.2 Tour operator loyalty 198 7.3 BOOKING BEHAVIOUR 201 7.3.1 Descriptive and explanatory measures 201 7.3.2 Advance booking 202 7.4 THE HOLIDAY PARTY 206 7.4.1 Analysis 206 7.4.2 Size and composition 207 7.5 HOLIDAY SERVICES 208 7.5.1 The main form of transport 208 7.5.2 Accommodation facilities 214 7.6 TEMPORAL ELEMENTS 218 7.6.1 Holiday month 218 7.6.2 Travel duration 222 7.7 BEHAVIOUR WHILST ON HOLIDAY 227 7.7.1 Activities and contact with the host culture 227 7.7.2 Day trip movements 233 7.8 SUMMARY 236 CHAPTER EIGHT : THE HOLIDAY DESTINATION IN CONTEXT 241 8.1 DESTINATION PATTERNS 241 8.1.1 Measurement and description 241 8.1.2 Cross-correlation between spatial behaviour measures 250 8.1.3 Integration with holiday habits 253 8.2 THE DESTINATION DECISION 262 8.2.1 Status in overall choice of holiday 262 8.2.2 Measures representing the decision-making process 273 CHAPTER NINE : THE DESTINATION DECISION AND SPATIAL PATTERNS OF PACKAGE HOLIDAYMAKING 279 9.1 GUIDELINES FOR ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION 279 TABLE NO. TITLE PAGE 22 Sample profile: qualitative work characteristics 131 23 Sample profile: leisure activities 132 24 Sample profile: holiday life-style measures 133 25 Significant pairwise association amongst sample population characteristics 134 26 Clustered leisure activities and holiday part- icipation 141 27 The relationship between holiday type and work life-style measures 155 28 Recent holiday profiles of independent and package travellers 158 29 Sociodemographic profile of package holiday- makers 164 30 Economic profile of package holidaymakers 165 31 Work life-style profile of package holidaymakers 167 32 Leisure life-style profile of package holiday- makers 167 33 Holiday life-style profile of package holiday- makers 169 34 Decision criteria grouped for correlation tests 175 35 Significant single effects on tour operator loyalty 198 36 Annual holidaymaking frequency and tour operator loyalty 200 37 Air and coach travellers; previous holiday location 212 38 Transport mode and measures of economic well- being 213 39 Accommodation preferences and parameter surrogates for holiday 'careers' 215 40 Individual economic effects on accommodation type 216 41 Holiday month preferences of pensioners and non- pensioners 219 142 Previous holiday life-style and holiday month 222 TABLE NO. TITLE PAGE 43 Influences on travel duration 224 44 Age and holiday activities 229 45 Association between home and holiday leisure activities 232 46 Day trip travel as a response to economic controls 233 47 The relationship between age and day trip travel 235 48 Significant linkages between destination measures 251 49 Travel time and journey distance 251 50 Resort proximity and coastal location 252 51 Destination measures and the holiday 'mix' 255 52 Holiday composition and journey distance 256 53 Travel time and holiday duration 257 54 Destination country and holiday duration 258 55 Holiday behaviour of inland and coastal visitors 259 56 Resort allegiance and primary characteristics 261 57 Significant predictors of the primary element of holiday choice 269 58 Age and primary elements of overall holiday choice 271 59 Age and information sources of those travelling for less than 12 hours 284 60 Travel time, desired resort characteristics and the regular annual holidaymaker 288 61 Travel time and economic parameters 290 62 Long haul travellers and their information sources 292 63 Age, journey distance and the number of resorts considered 294 64 Desired resort characteristics and journey distance 295 65 Education, place specificity and journey distance 300 66 Journey distance and income 301 67 Journey distance, income and desired resort characteristics 302 TABLE NO. TITLE PAGE 68 Destination country and place specificity 306 69 Destination country and desired resort character- istics 306 70 Destination country and place specificity of individual decision-makers 310 71 Income, information source and the holiday destination 314 72 Three measures of economic well-being, and expressed preference for coastal or inland holiday destinations 319 73 Inland and coastal resorts, and holidaymaker age 320 74 Age, income and resort perception 326 75 Occupation and resort type 328 76 Foreign holiday experience, place specificity and resort type 331 DIAGRAM MO. TITLE PAGE 43 Elements in the explanation of resort type 324 44 Destination behaviour and explanatory themes; relative holiday location 333 45 Destination behaviour and explanatory themes; absolute holiday location 334 46 Primary factors in the explanation of holiday participation 341 47 Primary factors in the explanation of holiday type 343 48 Primary factors in the explanation of package holiday habits 345 49 A generalised profile of the package holiday 'career' 363 50 The components of risk, and holidaymaking behaviour 3714 APPENDICES APPENDIX TITLE PAGE 1A Behaviour variables used in analysis 440 1B Population characteristics used in analysis 442 1C Decision measures used in analysis 444 2A The pre-pilot question form 446 2B The pilot questionnaire form 448 20 Filter survey classification form 461 2D Explanatory interview letter 463 2E The main survey questionnaire form (package holidaymakers) 465 2F The main survey questionnaire form (non- holidaymakers) 47 6 2G The main survey questionnaire form (independent holidaymakers) 1482 CHAPTER ONE A BRIEF HISTORY OF HOLIDAY TRAVEL 1.1 INTRODUCTION When Pedro Orts, a twenty-nine year old Benidorm - born coalminer, first implemented his plans for a commercial Spanish seaside resort in 1951 (see Pile, 1986:5), it is unlikely he fully realised the new impetus his actions were to give to world tourist traffic. Only now can the implications of his entrepreneurial flair be fully appreciated. As an activity attracting 270 million participants spending 92 billion U.S. dollars every year, and currently enjoying an annual 6% increase in visitor arrivals, tourism has become, "... one of the largest and fastest-growing world industries and an economic and social phenomenon of major importance." (Mathieson and Wall, 1982 : 183) Orts was not, of course, the founder of the holiday trade. Nor should he be lauded as the creator of package holidays, the origins of which lie many years earlier in the mid-nineteenth century. However, by being the first to commercially harness the appeal of the Spanish coast, in particular the drawing power of fine weather and the convenience of tailored accommodation and entertainment facilities, he stamped his identity squarely over what has today become one of the fundamental elements of international tourism; the package holiday. His place in the history of pleasure travel is secured not so much by invention as by application. 1 laid firmly in the history of mankind. Homer's 'Odyssey' records the wanderlust of the Greeks for both domestic and foreign destinations (see Robinson, 1976:3). Many Greek citizens travelled to spas, festivals and athletic events: individual travellers from all over Europe and the Middle East congregated to see the Olympic Games of 776 B.C. (Young, 1973:9). Travel in this period, however, was largely restricted to eminent citizens and academics, with both the time and the resources to participate. It was indeed a minority pursuit. The first instances of 'collective' tourism emerged under the stability offered by the Roman Empire. Parties of Roman citizens often journeyed for pleasure — a marked contrast to the rather idiosyncratic individual wanderings of their travelling forbears. This can be largely attributed to the comprehensive communication network that spanned the Raman Empire (McIntosh, 1977: 9). The origin of the habitual 'summer holiday' may well be traced to this era, for many Romans changed their place of residence during the summer months (Sigaux, 1966: 11). After the collapse of the Roman Empire, both domestic and foreign travel declined in the face of political instability and the scourge of roaming Barbarians. As the threat to personal safety increased, and as communications fell into a state of disrepair, pleasure travel dwindled into obscurity. Throughout the Middle Ages, travel in Europe was largely on account of warfare. Only those of high rank could undertake journeys in reasonable comfort (Sigaux, 1966: 16), though rarely did these fortunate few venture beyond the security of familiar territory. Decades later however, these constraints were to lift, thereby heralding a resurgence in pleasure travel. 1.2.2 Renaissance revival and the Grand Tour Following intermittent recovery throughout the Renaissance period, continental travel during Stuart and Hanovarian times was stimulated by two factors; the intellectual atmosphere of the Restoration period, and widespread peace following the Utrecht Settlement of 1713 (Pimlott, 1947: 68). The eighteenth century became the era of the Grand Tour, reaching its peak in the 1770's and 1780's. They were an exclusive activity. Served by the horse and carriage, progress was often as dignified as the type of accommodation frequently used, which included the grand palaces of royalty and the aristocracy residing in some of Europe's finest cities. Undertaken in a rather elegant fashion, and with a great sense of style, the Grand Tour attracted the patronage of the upper classes and landed elite (Burkart and Medlik, 1974: 4). Indeed, only those blessed with substantial wealth, and granted the freedom to spend much of their time at their awn discretion, could afford to participate. Grandiose, and sometimes ostentatious, the Grand Tour was a pleasure exclusive to the select few, and beyond the contemplation of the many. Education is frequently cited as the motivation behind these tours, though this seems unlikely in view of travellers' attitudes towards continental culture. Rarely were Grand Tourists sympathetic to foreign languages and ideas, whilst often fault was found with what was French simply because it wasn't English (Pimlott, 1976: 70). Indeed, Andrews (1784: 2) provides a contemporary glimpse of their motives by remarking that, "Amusement and dissipation are their principql, and often their only, views." However, it is important to realise that these English travellers, for more than two centuries familiar figures on the continent, were instrumental in the transformation of Mediterranean fishing villages, Swiss mountain villages and German mineral spring settlements into cosmopolitan resorts (Pimlott, 1976: 65). Continental travel, as it appears today, owes a great deal to the era of the Grand Tour (Robinson, 1976: 11). During these years, tourism was not only restricted to foreign lands. Much travel was also taken within the British Isles, a large proportion of which rested on the eighteenth century development of inland spa towns. 1.2.3 Spa town and seaside Spa towns and early seaside resorts prospered on account of their medical facilities. The reputed curative effects of fresh mineral and salt water had first been popularised by Dr. Richard Russell in his noted medical treatise (see Russell, 1752). Once again, the only beneficiaries of these findings were the wealthy, many of whom sought replenishment at a growing number of spa and seaside centres. Accordingly, fashionable resorts prospered, in particular Bath (Pimlott, 1976: 44), Buxton and Tunbridge Wells (Robinson, 1976: 7). Thus, belief in the curative powers of salt water established the vogue of holidaymaking by the sea (Newman, 1973: 231). The forces of fashion once more prompted demand for particular seaside spas, especially those frequented by Royalty; the Prince of Wales visited Brighton in 1783 and 6 tourism travel (Lickorish, 1966 : 167, Burkart and Medlik, 1974: 6). Thus, the Industrial Revolution achieved more than a simple broadening of the travel horizons of the wealthy. It ensured the benefits were also relayed to those of lower social standing, largely on account of Victorian concern with the psychological effects of urbanisation and the quality of life, together with a shift in attitudes that saw the holiday treated more as a necessity than as a luxury. Much of the increased demand for pleasure travel was fuelled by the working classes and the growing financial resources at their command. This was partnered by an increase in the number of paid holidays from work. A major breakthrough was achieved by Sir John Lubbock's Holiday Act of 1871, which offered four annual public holidays (Robinson, 1976: 19). During the 1860's an annual fortnight's holiday with pay for professional people and the newly emergent white-collar class became increasingly commonplace (Myerscough, 1974: 8). By 1900 such privileges were enjoyed by better paid manual workers, and under continual pressure by strengthening trade unions, were extended to many labourers by the outbreak of the First World War. The Industrial Revolution therefore had a profound effect on pleasure travel, not least in its role as the propagator of social conditions conducive towards 'mass tourism'. For the first time in history, pleasure travel became a genuinely 'popular' activity. This was the culmination of many factors, including the increased perception of a need for 'escape', rising incomes in society, more leisure time and a marked shift in attitudes towards travel. Though each of these meant a greater number of people were both willing, and able, to take a holiday, none of their benefits could have been realised without simultaneous developments in transport technology that actually made feasible the widespread enjoyment of pleasure travel. 1.3.2 Transport technology : The Age of coal and steam Invention and application of the steam engine was one of the major features of the Industrial Revolution, particularly the creation of the steam locomotive. After 1850 the railways were the engine of development for tourism (Sigaux, 1966: 81, Lickorish, 1970: 167), both domestically, and on the continent through links provided by the steamship. Between 1840 and 1902 the number of passengers crossing the English Channel rose tenfold (Young, 1973: 18). The railways made travel quicker, cheaper and easier than when speed was restricted to that of a horse. They were also sufficiently cheap to make possible the 'escape' sought by the growing urban masses (Holloway, 1983: 28). In the hands of transport technology lay the key to wholesale participation in pleasure travel, for without the invention of the steam locomotive the movement of large numbers of people would not have been possible. Hardly a leisure activity escaped the influence of the railway. Indeed, the family holiday was largely an outcome of travel by rail (Myerscough, 1974: 14). This owed a great deal to the emergence of excursion trains. Initially, rail travel was very expensive, but as the networks grew, so railway companies were eager to generate income from every possible source. This they did by introducing special excursion trains, which both met, and generated further, the demand for cheap travel. Within eight 10 months of the opening of the pioneer Liverpool and Manchester Railway in September 1830, an excursion train was run to Liverpool for the Bennett Street Sunday School in Manchester (Patmore, 1983: 32). Other lines quickly followed. Collectively, excursion trains moved far greater numbers of people than previously had been possible. Brighton, for example, received 117,000 visitors in 1835, the heyday of the coaching trade. In 1850 the railways carried 73,000 travellers to Brighton in a single week (Gilbert, 1954: 152). Though slow and uncomfortable, and indeed sometimes unsafe, excursion trains were immensely popular. By making travel relatively cheap they not only touched nearly all levels of society, but they also made family travel affordable. The family day trip to the seaside became commonplace, particularly where the railways forged a practical link between urban centres and the coast. Indeed, more than that, the railways often delineated resort hinterlands (Patmore, 1983: 45). As such, they were instrumental in the mushroom development of the traditional English seaside resort. 1.3.3 Growth of the English seaside resort The growing holiday hordes were transported by the railways to the seaside resorts most accessible to the urban centres from where they came. Along the Fylde coast, Blackpool and Fleetwood served the towns and cities of North Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire (Robinson, 1976: 15). Scarborough fulfilled an equally important role on the East coast of Yorkshire, whilst further south, Brighton flourished owing to its 11 Exhibition cost just 36/- (Young, 1973: 21), and was rightly regarded as, "... an event in the history of railway travel." (Manchester Guardian, 1855) Such tours were a major step towards enabling ordinary men and women to travel on the continent. Cook extended his tours, to Italy in 1863 (Pimlott, 1976: 192) and to America three years later (see Burkart and Medlik, 1974: 15). Imitators soon followed, alert to the commercial possibilities of affordable foreign travel. As wealth in society increased, and railways were constantly improved, so the number and variety of tours offered by an increasing number of operators widened. Thomas Bennett, in serving as Secretary to the British Consul-General in Oslo, organised scenic all-inclusive tours to Norway (McIntosh, 1977: 7). The group of such entrepreneurs was a growing one; Swinglehurst (1974: 174-9) provides a detailed account of the tours of many, including Crisp, Gaze, Frame, Hogg, Dean and Dawson. The effects of package holidays on pleasure travel were profound. By the end of the nineteenth century Cook had, ... effected a revolution in tourism." (Turner and Ash, 1975: 59) The growing number of agents handling peoples' holiday requirements were quick to realise the solutions offered by package holidays in the face of increasingly competitive and complex booking arrangements. Fortunately for them, the foreign tour was still beyond the reach of the lower classes, most of whom still took to the U.K. seaside. Early package tours mostly benefitted the middle and upper - middle classes (see Thomson, 1978: 18). However, just as the early foreign tours gathered momentum, so the hostilities of 1914 and the First Great War effectively ended pleasure travel in Europe. The Depression and hardship subsequently suffered had a largely restrictive effect on tourism, which showed no signs of wholesale revival until after the conclusion of the Second World War. During this time, tourism (particularly in the 1920's) reverted back to the pleasures of the relatively wealthy, though selectivity was not as pronounced as during the era of the Grand Tour. Rail travel on the continent was fostered by railway companies, in particular the Southern Railway. The inter-war years also saw the first fare - paying scheduled air trip between London and Paris, in August 1919, though its high cost (six times that of the railway) and low comfort militated against significant growth (Patmore, 1983: 38). Widespread use of aircraft, together with plentiful opportunities for foreign travel for nearly all members of society, had to wait until the peacetime following the Second World War. 1.4 WORLD WAR TWO AND AFTER; THE YEARS OF GROWING PROSPERITY 1.4.1 The diffusion of paid leave and transport technology The post - war period witnessed a spectacular rise in the number of people taking a holiday, largely due to relative wage increases and more paid leave from work. The Holidays with Pay Act of 1938 proposed power to wage - regulating authorities (Pimlott, 1976: 221), thereby ensuring for the first time that paid holidays were enjoyed by the majority of British workers (see Myerscough, 1974: 8). By granting more time for leisure without a loss in income, this encouraged many more people to take a holiday. Set in this context of increasing participation, the Second World War instigated a change in peoples' holiday patterns, particularly their choice of destination. This it did by heightening awareness, interest and curiosity in foreign countries (Holloway, 1983: 35). Common perception of unfamiliar places was no longer so parochial. This prompted a new demand for foreign travel, met largely by the application of air technology learnt rapidly during the Second World War. Many wartime aircraft were in fact employed for civilian use. During the 1950's, prop-engined aircraft transported increasing numbers of people to foreign countries. It was, however, the introduction of the jet engine that revolutionised civilian air transport by offering faster, larger, more efficient and more comfortable aircraft. Several years after the abortive and tragic early experiences of the British - made Comet, the Boeing 707 was one of the first civilian jet aircraft to successfully reach production. By the mid 1960's, the 707 was a familiar sight in international airports around the world. The advent of jet aviation encouraged people to travel further (see Lundberg, 1972: 73). Though the transatlantic ocean liners were effective mass carriers, the number of air passengers crossing the Atlantic exceeded the number opting for sea travel, for the first time, in 1957 (Young, 1973: 28-9). North American tourists began flooding over to Europe. A contrary flow of Europeans led to the growth of the Caribbean tourist industry. Meanwhile, within Europe itself, jet travel placed many miles of Mediterranean coastline within a few hours reach of all the developed countries of Western Europe. By doing so, jet av iation shattered the tidy mutual association that had built up for over a century between the U.K. railway network and traditional seaside resorts - an association that had not only encouraged the wholesale development of 16 air passengers, the proportion taking a package tour rose from 51% to 80% during the same period. In 1963, 630,000 package holidays by air were taken in Europe from the U.K. By 1971 this figure had increased fourfold (Burkart and Medlik, 1974: 173). Meanwhile, the number of independent journeys by air remained static. Clearly, the advent of cheap air transport and the package tour was a major influence on holiday habits (Patmore, 1983: 38). The phenomenal success of inclusive air tours was largely due to the combined effects of the inherent attributes of the package holiday product, and a market eager to reap the benefits on offer. The advantages of package tours were numerous. Their all-inclusive price meant they were particularly good value. They were nearly always far cheaper than the cost of travel and accommodation services bought separately (Thomson, 1978: 3-4; Robinson, 1976 : 113). The major cost breakthrough was made in the 1960's when airlines realised that tour operators could fill empty seats. This le d to reduced rates for operators on scheduled journeys (ITX fares). Eventually tour operators were given the option of 'chartering' entire aircraft, thereby achieving a major reduction in unit travel costs (these were known as ITC fares), a system still prevalent today. The only provision to protect scheduled flight operations was held in Resolution 045 of the International Air Transport Association, which stated that the total price of an inclusive tour should not undercut the minimum scheduled fare to the same destination (Robinson, 1976: 111). Given this leeway, it is not surprising that charter flights flourished. The package holiday partnered its cost advantage with convenience (see Lundberg, 1972: 94). A single purchase secured all the essential elements constituting the holiday - a major factor according to Askari (1971), and one that furthered the perceived value of package tours. On top of this, the package holiday brought a near-guarantee of fine weather to all travellers who hitherto had previously made do with the vagaries of the English summer. This was a telling factor (see Jordan and Sons 1982: IV). Warmth and sunshine were no longer a bonus for the family holiday by the sea; they were now a prerogative. This was the cornerstone of the sun/sea/sand formula that has served the package holiday trade for over two decades. The market itself was ready to take these opportunities. The extension of paid leave from work meant the holiday became a resilient item on the household budget (Guitart, 1982), for people had the time to travel. Increasing wealth in society created a market eager to improve living standards after years of austerity immediately following the Second World War (Holloway, 1983: 51). The package holiday offered a convenient 'escape', both for fun and for pleasure, that was readily accepted. Thus, there seems little doubt that the well-matched characteristics of supply and demand account for the extraordinary post-war growth of package holidays by air. This development marks the culmination in the evolution of popular holidaymaking. Each of the four factors highlighted at the start of this chapter lend their own interpretation to the history of increasing participation in pleasure travel; the availability of more discretionary time and money, the universal need to escape for enjoyment rather than the select appeal of educational or medical trips, a succession of technologies each transporting more passengers further, more quickly, in more comfort and at a relatively lower cost, and the emergence of increasingly efficient, standardised and down—to—earth accommodation offering, above all, value for money. These are the main characteristics of mass tourism. Although demand for package holidays continues to rise, albeit less dramatically than before, the great wave of increasing participation in tourism, particularly to foreign countries, has in recent years given way to changes more in the nature than in the scale of the package holiday trade. passenger arrivals suffered in 1974 over 1973 (see Devas, 1985) coincides with a similar decline in British tourism (Guitart, 1982), much of which can be drawn against the 227 fall in air passengers to the Mediterranean and the collapse of the Court Line package tour organisation in the midst of the early 1970's World Oil Crisis and recession. 2.1.2 Destination patterns One of the most striking features of tour operation in the last decade has been its distinct contribution towards the rise in holidays taken abroad. There is little doubt that this growth has been at the expense of domestic holidaymaking, given the increase in the number of holidays taken overall. This is clearly demonstrated in table 2 below. Table 2: The number of holidays of four or more nights taken by UK residents to destinations at home or abroad. NO. OF HOLIDAYS (MILLIONS) YEAR Domestic Abroad Total 1965 30.0 5.0 35.0 1967 30.0 5.0 35.0 1970 34.5 5.75 40.25 1975 40.0 8.0 48.0 1980 46.5 12.0 58.5 1982 32.5 14.25 46.75 (British Tourist Authority, 1983h: 49) Indeed, whilst the number of holidays abroad doubled between 1971 and 1983, the number of domestic holidays remained the same (Gratton and Taylor, 1985). Though only 35% of U.K. adults in 1971 had been abroad on holiday at some time, this proportion had risen to 62% by 1983 (Central Statistical Office, 1985). A large part of this change has been engineered through the package holiday market. The share of inclusive tours for all visits abroad rose from 322 to 36% between 1977 and 1981 (Senior, 1983: 28), whilst the five year period prior to 1982 witnessed a fivefold increase in the number of inclusive tours taken abroad (Senior, 1983: 8). Holloway (1983: 71) claims that currently one half of all British tourists travelling abroad do so on package tours, an outcome of the extremely competitive U.K. tour operating industry (see English Tourist Board, 1974b: 9). The exact nature of the package holiday's contribution towards foreign tourism is clarified if destination patterns are investigated further. Three distinctive features emerge; the growth of 'long haul' holiday travel, the channelling function of tour operating on tourism destination trends (see Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 18), and the introduction of instability to tourist flow patterns. Each is considered in turn. One of the most noticeable elements of U.K.-sourced tourism during the 1970's was the increase in long haul travel, particularly the significant increase in visitors to America between 1976 and 1982 (British Tourist Authority, 1982c: 7). This is due to two interrelated factors. The value of the U.S. dollar relative to the pound made holidays to the States relatively cheap, reflected in the rush of English holidaymakers to Florida. This provided opportunities seized more effectively by packaged travel than independent travel; whilst the number of independent visits to America increased threefold between 1976 and 1982, the number of package holidays escalated by a factor of ten (see British Tourist Authority, 1983b: 34). Given favourable exchange rates, package holidays thus further encouraged long haul travel. Due to currency differences the trend for Canada is similar if not nearly so pronounced, whilst quite often a reverse trend represents other long haul destinations, owing Independent travel Package holidays N. America 2.9 13.0 Middle East 1.7 3.4 N. Africa 1.8 1.3 S. Africa 1.8 1.0 Japan 7.0 2.0 Commonwealth Caribbean 1.9 3.1 Latin America 1.8 2.0 Australia 4.7 * New Zealand 2.0 * their rise in U.K. patronage to 'independent' holidaymakers (see table 3) Table 3: Long haul tourist destinations : the role of independent and packaged travel DESTINATION FACTOR INCREASE IN VISITS, 1976 — 82 * Not computed since below 500,000 visitors (Derived from British Tourist Authority, 1983b: 34) In general therefore, the rise in long haul travel has been effected simultaneously, and in broadly equal proportion, by independent and package tour travel alike. Exceptions to this rule are the Commonwealth Caribbean, the Middle East and North America, particularly the U.S.A. This ably demonstrates the channelling effect of tour operating on destination trends. This may be further illustrated by reference to individual Western European countries (all the following cited percentages are based on data from the British Tourist Authority, 1983b: 34). For all tourist trips in 1976, Spain was the most popular destination (35% of U.K. visitor arrivals to Western Europe), followed by France (23%), Italy (9%) and then Greece (5%). Amongst independent travellers only, however, France is by far the most common destination (39% of such arrivals). Thus the relative popularity of Spain (including both the mainland and the Balearic Islands) as a destination for all types of tourist is on account of its dominance 26 Table 4: Transport mode and holiday destination (1982) MAIN MODE OF TRANSPORT % OF TRIPS HOME ABROAD+ Airplane 1 68 Own Car 66 14 Hire Car 2 - Train 12 4 Scheduled Bus 8 2 Coach Tour 6 9 Other 5 3 TOTAL 100 100 + Trips abroad include boats and hovercraft (0evas, 1985: table 51) The increasingly widespread ownership of private motor vehicles accounts for the dominance of domestic travel by car. Package holiday travel is almost entirely responsible for the equivalent domination of journeys to foreign destinations by air. Between 1976 and 1981 the number of passengers carried by air, both to and from the U.K., rose by only 31% for scheduled services compared to 49% for inclusive tours (see Senior, 1983: 37). Similarly, the number of air inclusive tours from the U.K. rose by 36% between 1979 and 1982 (see Senior, 1983: 93). The source of growth in international air holiday transport is clearly easy to identify. Within the last few years however, the actual number of package holidays sold has increased, thereby providing the opportunity for market share gains by other means of transport. Of these, coach travel has generated the greatest increase in passenger loads. In 1970 only a very small number of foreign holidays were motor coach packages (Burkart and Medlik, 1974: 183). Between 1977 and 1980, however, their share of the overseas package holiday market rose from 3% to 5%, involving an increase in the number of coach passengers from 75,000 to 200,000 (Key Note, 1983: 10). This expansion has been maintained, and currently the organised coach tour acts as a popular entry level for people venturing abroad for the first time (Devas, 1985). Only the railways provide a practical alternative for domestic inclusive tours, though they are neither as convenient nor as flexible. Indeed, the coach tour has become the mainstay of domestic package holidays. Parallel developments have occurred in the accommodation sector (for tourism in general). Accommodation standards have risen and the popularity of self-catering arrangements has increased (Holloway, 1983: 67-8). The trend towards self-catering holidays, predicted up until 1990 by Lickorish (1985), is countrywide, and is one that has altered the traditional structure of the U.K. accommodation sector. The Yorkshire seaside coast, for example, has seen a contraction of hotel and guest house capacity as properties have been converted to self-catering use (English Tourist Board, 1974b: 61). This has in turn determined the decline of many grand hotels, themselves rather fine legacies from the Victorian era of travel. Associated with self-catering, and one of the fastest growing sectors of foreign holiday accommodation, is time-sharing. This originally allowed those taking holidays in self-catering accommodation the opportunity to 'buy' a specific week in the year in a holiday property, for any number of years. Evolution has ensured that time-sharing is now a much more flexible holiday option: scheme members may now swap locations or weeks with other members. Many such properties can be found along the Mediterranean coast, in Florida and amongst the Caribbean Islands (Key Note, 1983: 11). More recently I schemes have been set up in the U.K., including North Wales and the English Lake District. In such locations there is in fact evidence of a further trend; the use of second homes as holiday accommodation. However, this has little effect on mainstream holiday patterns since, in 1982 at least, only 7% of higher income U.K. households (and a much lower proportion of all households) possessed a second home in the U.K. Only 3% owned equivalent properties abroad. The inclusive tour industry has been fairly slow to adopt the principle of self-catering accommodation. Between 1960 and 1970 the number of U.K. travellers abroad staying in hotel accommodation rose, largely due to the widespread use of hotels by tour operators; particularly in Spain (see Institut° Espanol de Turismo, 1984). Indeed, relatively cheap half board hotel accommodation became a mainstay element of mainstream package holiday offerings during the 1970's. Within the last decade however, tour operators have made increasing use of self-catering accommodation (Senior, 1983: 8), often in an attempt to keep holiday costs down (Jordan and Sons, 1982: VII). Rosenberg (1985: 15) regards the enthusiastic adoption of such facilities by the U.K. package holidaymaker as an indication of the greater value recently attached to holidays offering novelty, freedom and a little more in the way of adventure. In strict contrast to the pioneering function of tour operating and air transportation however, it is unlikely that the package holiday will ever be identified as a disciple of self-catering accommodation. Although such facilites have been skillfully applied to the package holiday product, hotel accommodation is still more widely used. After all, the benefits to be gained from serviced accommodation have much in common with the advantages of packaged travel. This accounts for the different accommodation preferences of domestic and foreign holidaymakers (table 5). 31 compared with an 'all-tourism' peak/ trough ratio of 1:20 in the mid 1960's (see Burkart and Medlik, 1974: 179). In short, the seasonality peak is less pronounced for package holidaymakers than for tourism in general. This is not only a function of widened package holiday options during the winter months, but also of special promotions and preferential price structuring (see McIntosh, 1972: 208-9; Robinson, 1976: 61). There is further evidence to suggest that, superimposed over the effects of packaged travel, the increasing tendency to take second holidays may also help to iron out the discrepancies between winter and summer tourist arrivals. Again this may be seen as a trend of tourism in general, and not a feature peculiar to the package holiday market. In many of the mature European markets, including the U.K., departure rates have already reached a plateau (in terms of the proportion of the population taking a holiday). The increase in the number of holidays taken is therefore a function of the growing tendency to take more than one annual holiday (English Tourist Board, 1974b: 70). Between 1971 and 1983 the proportion of the U.K. population taking two or more annual holidays rose from 15% to 19% (see Devas, 1985). The tendency of these second holidays to be both shorter and to closer destinations (see British Tourist Authority, 1982c: 15) accounts for their particularly high growth rate within the domestic market (Cooper and Jackson, 1985). Until very recently these developments by-passed the tour operator, since traditionally the two week package holiday was effectively the main annual holiday. Only diversification of the inclusive tour product has allowed beneficial inroads to be made into the second holiday market, achieved in the main by wintersun, wintersports and special activity holidays, and 'mini breaks'. The vast majority of package holidays available, however, seem to have been designed with the primary annual holiday in mind. Very often this may be attributed to their duration, for a 'fortnight away' has long been regarded as the staple diet of the once—yearly holidaymaker. However, when all the elements of a holiday are considered, there is evidence to suggest they are gradually being traded down. This is manifested in many ways, but often through the shortened break. In 1981, 63% of British adults took a holiday of four nights or more, falling to 58% by the following year (British Tourist Authority, 1983c: 5). The rise in popularity of short breaks is particularly evident amongst domestic travellers (Travel News, 1985: 12). This is partly on account of the apparent relationship between distance to destination and holiday duration. In 1982 only 5% of domestic holidays (compared to 20% of foreign trips) lasted 15 nights or more (see British Tourist Authority, 1983c: 9). Table 7 provides evidence of a similar trend on the global scale. Table 7 : Holiday destination and average length of stay (1980) DESTINATION AVERAGE HOLIDAY DURATION (NIGHTS) North America 23.5 North West Europe (EEC) 8.9 North West Europe (non EEC) 12.7 Rest of World 29.0 (derived from the British Tourist Authority, 1983b: 38) Given this association, how might the general fall in holiday duration be reconciled with the increasing tendency to partake in long haul travel, which, from the foregoing, would be expected to effect an increase in holiday duration? Explanation of this anomaly lies in consideration of holiday frequency, for though the distance/duration relationship may hold true, the increase in second and third holidays engenders an apparent 35 overall reduction in average holiday length. It is unlikely therefore that main annual holidays, particularly those abroad, are shortening to any significant degree. This is a view endorsed by the British Tourist Authority (1982c :15), although a marginal decline may be observed. Between 1971 and 1981 the average duration of trips abroad by U.K. residents fell from 14.1 to 13.2 nights (Keynote, 1983: 9), though once again this may be attributed to the development of shorter second holidays abroad. Such trends and explanations are almost certainly mirrored in the package holiday market. Even a fleeting glance at tour operator brochures is sufficient to reaffirm the two week holiday as the most popular option. The reduction in the average duration of inclusive tours may easily be explained by reference to the recent growth in wintersports holidays. Many of these are taken as second holidays, and consequently are of shorter duration than their counterparts during the summer season (Jordan and Sons 1982: VII). Thus the three component elements of temporal holiday patterns (date, duration and frequency) display marked mutual interdependence. Similar connectivity may be observed between all the elements discussed so far, in particular those concerned with destination patterns. Variation in the composition and balance amongst such elements may well precipitate changes in the supply of package holidays subsequent to shifts in market behaviour. At the interface marking interaction between package holiday supply and demand occurs the tour operator, mediating (and often initiating) the prompts for change in both 'directions'. As such, the tour operator represents the pressure point of the package holiday for specialist holidays is still dwarfed by the demand for sun, sea and sand. For many package holidaymakers the climatic imperative remains paramount. A more universal change has been the increasing demand for better quality services, irrespective of the type of holiday. Until fairly recently, specialist holidays were the domain of small tour operators, whose output ideally catered for such needs. Increasing market discrimination, however, has prompted an increase in the activity of larger tour operators in this sector, thereby effectively cutting the only real life-line of many small businesses (see Rosenberg, 1985: 15). Inevitably, many have fallen by the wayside (20 travel firms collapsed during 1984 alone - Rosenberg, 1985: 15), which has served only to accentuate the trend towards larger and larger package holiday businesses. 2.2.2. Horizontal agglomeration and competitive advantage Horizontal integration has been achieved either by take-overs or in-house expansion. The net effect is the same; the supply of package holidays is increasingly dominated by a few large tour operators, matching small businesses in terms of the specialist holidays they offer, and bettering them in terms of cost and value simply on account of the benefits of scale economies they enjoy. Even medium sized firms have not escaped the effects of increasing concentration. In the late 1970's the seven largest U.K. based tour operators represented 75% of British I.T.C. (inclusive tour charter) demand (Guitart, 1982). By 1985 the market share of the two largest operators alone, Thomson Holidays and Intasun, reached 40% (Harris, 1985: 3), although three years previously Thomsons, the 39 larger of the two operators, accounted for only 14% of foreign tours (Senior, 1983: 9). Though rapid, this growth rate became even more pronounced after 1985, when Thomson Holidays doubled its programme to 2 million holidays for the 1986 season, and Intasun introduced a schedule for 1.75 million holidays (compared to 0.75 million in 1985). Of the remaining operators, Horizon Holidays reacted most strongly, after experiencing financial difficulties in 1985. By 1987, the International Thomson Organisation, the International Leisure Group (incorporating Intasun) and Horizon Holidays were expected to supply 70% of the market (Ferguson, 1987: 19). The prime driving force behind this expansion was the opportunity it created to achieve economies of scale in the light of increasing need for price competitiveness. Once more this can be attributed to the maturing of the package holiday market and the greater discriminatory power of customers regarding holiday cost (see Kay, 1986). Accordingly, competition between tour operators to gain market share (by offering better value for money) escalated, leading to the so-called 'price wars' of late 1985. The mass schedule increases effected by Thomson Holidays and Intasun facilitated price reductions which smaller operators were unable to match; summer holidays offered by Thomsons for the 1986 season were 17% cheaper than the previous year (Harris, 1985:3; see also Frankis and Harwood, 1986: 23). Further financial incentives were offered, in addition to surcharge guarantees (adopted by most companies in 1983), including attractive family reductions and special promotions of greatly reduced, and even 'free', holidays. The press coverage this attracted ensured cheap, extensive, and often dramatic publicity during a fortnight of frenetic sales activity, which even witnessed fighting in a Sheffield Travel Agency over the last cut-priced trip to Spain (see Pile, 1985: 7). Price competition between operators became so fierce that even amongst the largest organisations, whilst the number of holidays sold increased, profit margins fell dramatically. Between 1981 and 1985, for example, Intasun's pre-tax profits as a proportion of turnover fell from 9.9% to 4.8% (derived from Harwood and Frankis, 1985), whilst an even more marked decline can be identified when profits are viewed in relation to the number of holidays sold. However, price competitiveness did not grow soleV on account of the desire to gain market share. Cheaper holidays were also introduced to counter the record slump in holidays in 1984, especially those to Spain (see Millward, 1985: 15). This they achieved. The revival has also been maintained: one of the main reasons for the strong booking trend for 1986 was widespread price reductions (between 15 and 20%), although people's memories of the apialling UK weather suffered during the summer of 1985 undoubtedly played a significant contributory role (see Frankis and Harwood, 1986: 23). An equally important effect of price reductions was that they encouraged holidaymakers to book early. Between 1979 and 1982 the number of summer holidays booked before the end of January fell from 63% to 42% (Key Note, 1985: 15 - source of data originally Pickfords Travel). As package holidaymakers became more experienced, so they became more aware of the savings to be enjoyed by taking advantage of the late-booking discounts traditionally offered by tour operators to maximise the number of customer units per holiday trip. In 1982, 20% of package 41 Unification of these disparate themes is a prerequisite to their effective management, for there are many different approaches to the study of tourism. Clarification and cohesion of sources is achieved when an embracing spatial perspective is adopted, for tourism is of interest to the geographer largely on account of its concern with land use, resort location and the movement of people to these destinations (Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 8; Nichols, 1982: 73; Williams and Zelinsky, 1970). It is a happy coincidence that the theme common to such varied literature sources coincides so tidily with the current research objectives (outlined in the following chapter). For the time being it provides a useful perspective from which to assess the explanatory input of literature presented here. Yet it must be stressed that in the light of very limited research specific to package holidays to date, such literature remains peripheral. This in turn fashions the textual use of these sources, for it would be misleading to integrate it,in the first instance, with the research findings presented in later chapters, without continual reminder of the original subject material to which it applies. A neater solution is to discuss relevant literature fields fully prior to such analysis, leaving links to be drawn in the chapter of conclusions. Thus, the bulk of secondary—sourced theoretical and conceptual input to this research is contained in this chapter. This is reflected in its coverage. 3.2 THE TOURIST 3.2.1. Typologies, conceptualisation and applicability Tourism is, above all, a composite phenomenon (Vukonic and 44 Pirjevec, 1980). Robinson's (1976: 40) three essential tourism elements of 'locale' (the destination and what it offers), mode of transport, and accommodation, clearly illustrate his view of tourism as an agglomeration of facilities and services. A more general tendency in identifying the components of tourism, however, is to place greater emphasis on behaviour and the tourist (see Wahab, 1975: 8, and Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 4). Indeed, an integral and central role is assigned to the tourist in those systems presented by Leiper (1979, 1981) and Gunn (1972). The likelihood of this central role means there is a pressing need to identify different types of tourist, for this is a term often used to cover a multitude of traveller types. P.L. Pearce (1982a: 30) provides a review of the different methods used to achieve this. He also presents a classification system (1982a : 36) based on the work of Cohen (1974), which helps in the identification of "pleasure-first" travellers from those journeying for other reasons (occupation requirements, spiritual commitments and environmental concern). However, better classification is provided by the more specific system proposed by Cohen (1972b: 49-50) shown on diagram 2. This system is valuable in that it highlights the important distinction between package holidaymakers and those planning and executing their own individual trips. Though strict definitions are rarely observed within tourism literature, it is assumed that reference is directed towards the pleasure-first tourist (that is, the holidaymaker), and unless otherwise indicated, refers to tourism in general rather than package tourists. This is the meaning adopted by the term 'tourist' throughout the following narrative. Strict definitions employed in the current research are outlined in the next chapter. For the purpose of this review it is more important to bear in mind the distinction between package holidaymakers and tourism, quite apart from 45 1 Organised mass 1 1 tourist 1 1 1 1 I Explorer 1 1 Drifter 1 1 other forms of travel, for the strict relevance of findings concerning tourism (in general) to package holidaymakers (in particular) cannot necessarily be assumed, due to fundamental differences between the Diagram 2 Classification of traveller types (after Cohen, 1972b) CATEGORY CHARACTERISTICS Mostly confined to an "environmental bubble". The tour is entirely pre - planned with familiarity at a maximum and novelty at a minimum. I Individual mass I Similarly on a tour, though scope for on 1 tourist 1 decisions and attitudes. Familiarity 1 1 dominant though some routine novelty. Arranges trip on own and therefore more interaction with host community, though still likes travel comforts such as a good hotel and food. Considers the ordinary tourist experience to be phoney. Almost wholly immersed in host culture. Novelty at a maximum and familiarity has almost disappeared altogether. respective phenomena. Indeed, herein lies one of the secondary objectives of the research. Thus, it must be appreciated that the following discussion is concerned wholly with tourism, which by default is assumed to deal with independent rather than package holidays unless specific reference is made to the contrary. 3.2.2. Documentation of factors influencing tourist behaviour As a population, tourists are heterogeneous (Cooper, 1981). 46 are often considered more significant in determining destination type than the actual decision to travel (Todt, 1964, Przeclawski, 1976). A complex series of interwoven links emerges between the tourist's sociodemographic and economic characteristics on the one hand, and expressed spatial and temporal behaviour patterns on the other. Only the most prominent are highlighted here. 1. In identifying through time a process of successive class intrusion into resort patronage, Pearce, P.L. (1982a:9) implies association between destination type and social class. Benidorm, for example, by catering mainly for working class tourists (Muir, 1973),displays visitor orientation in strict contrast to that exercised by resorts such as Gstaad, Davos or Cannes. 2. Destination location relative to the home is affected by many influences. Large families including youngsters below the age of 12 travel to closer locations (Etzel and Woodside, 1982). These families are less likely to comprise foreign holidaymakers, as are elderly folk (Morton-Williams, 1973:9) or those belonging to lower social classes and less - educated groups (Lundberg, 1972:117). 3. As age increases so does the tendency to visit a familiar destination, resort loyalty becoming a common characteristic amongst holidaymakers above the age of 40 (Gitelson and Crompton, 1984). This may well be a mechanism to reduce the risk of an unsatisfactory holiday experience (see Hill, 1965). 4. More holidays per year are taken by members of higher social classes (see Ternowetsky, 1983), probably because subsidiary holidays are more vulnerable to financial 49 contraints (British Tourist Authority, 1982a:11). The findings of Morton-Williams (1973) suggest this is a trend maintained for all measures of economic well-being. Similar effects may be noted concerning holiday duration (see Walter and Tong, 1977). Protagonists of the life-style approach to tourism explanation offer a less well-defined framework for assessment of findings to date. As a relatively recent perspective this is not surprising. The basic premise on which such research rests can, however, be brought into sharper focus: at a level beyond that at which traditional sociodemographic and economic factors function, the effect of less tangible elements of an individual's 'make-up' also determines their behaviour (see Woodside and Pitts, 1976). The concept has been applied recently by a growing body of workers, although coverage is less complete than that offered by more traditional research. Hawes (1977) provides a review of psychographic work, concluding that life-style measures do in fact offer explanatory input. Mayo (1975), for example, studies association between psychographic profiles and attitudes towards tourism. The majority of researchers, however, conclude that although psychographic measures do provide explanation above and beyond that offered by traditional approaches, they do not stand alone as a means of explanation. Instead they rely on a framework of sociodemographic and economic parameters for their effective application (see Perreault, Darden and Darden, 1977; Schewe and Calantone, 1978). Clearly, both approaches to the study of influences on tourist behaviour are valid, for a predictive role may be ascribed both to traditional 50 factors and to more inventive life-style measures. The function of such studies is to forge a link between the participant and their behaviour, and this they have achieved, though rarely has the intervening role of the holiday decision-making process been taken into consideration. Holiday choice mechanisms have instead been researched rather in isolation. It is unfortunate that the extent of their reliance and emphasis on conceptual bases of decision process theory has not been matched by the effective integration of the understanding they bring, to holiday choice, with mainstream research tying holidaymaker characteristics to expressed behaviour patterns. Such research must not be dismissed out of hand however, for it is a potential source of valuable assistance. 3.3 THE HOLIDAY DECISION-MAKING PROCESS 3.3.1 Evaluation Framework Tourist decision-making is currently little understood (Mathieson and Wall, 1983: 25; see also Mazanec, 1983). It is not so much the coverage but the lack of standardisation and integration of findings that restricts our understanding. The first step towards alleviating this problem is to substantiate the perspective from which the decision process is viewed. Even during the 1970's decision-making studies were based on the concept of economic man, assuming perfect knowledge and rationality (Sauran, 1978; Mathieson and Wall, 1982:26), and reflected in the earlier 51 the holiday duration and budget (Jenkins, 1978). Not surprisingly, parents commonly perceive children exerting a considerable, if indirect, influence over their decisions (Jenkins, 1978). This may well be effected through the motivations behind holiday choice. 3.3.3. An overview of tourist motivation Wahab (1975:44) regards the study of motivation as indispensable to tourism research. Whilst this is certainly reflected in the volume of such literature, it is unfortunate that its importance has rarely prompted more widespread type-based standardisation, and the subsequent facility for comparison between researched motivational categories. Not only is there little agreement over their content, but also rarely can the relative significance of each component be assessed (Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 30-31). Kelly (1978), Tinsley and Kass (1979), Crandall (1980), Rubenstein (1980) and Beard and Ragheb (1983) are representative of a much larger body of writers employing individual categories of motivation without recourse to standardisation. This may well be due to several intrinsic difficulties in the study of travel motivation, including its complexity (see Guthrie, 1961; Robinson, 1976:29; Crompton, 1979, Dichter, 1979; Pearce, P.L. 1982a:52), uncertainty as to the time-scale involved (Pearce, P.L. 1982a:50) and the role of intrinsic motives when these themselves are not yet fully understood (see De Charms and Muir, 1978). In short, the study of tourist motivation to date is muddled and lacks cohesion. A degree of agreement, however, is reached over two issues; the separation of initial travel desire from specific motivation, and the • extent of mental conflict usually experienced by the traveller. 54 Very many writers make a distinction in their classification systems between the motives that actually prompt people to travel (termed "push" factors), and "pull" factors (specific motivation) which draw them to a particular destination (see, for example, Wahab, 1975:45; Dann, 1977; Schmoll, 1977:52; Crompton, 1979; Dann, 1981; Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 29-30; Smith, S.L.J., 1983). This distinction is employed in the following two sections, when an attempt is made to extract and summarise major themes from tourist decision-making literature, if only to provide a grasp of the basic motivation components involved. Common to both these "push" and "pull" factors is an element of conflict experienced by travellers, as is evident in Dichter's (1967) remark that, "Anyone concerned with the motivation of travel has to realise first that he is reaching deep into one of the major conflicts of the human mind : a desire for sameness.... conflicting with the motivation to reach out and discover the world". Tourists therefore experience contradictory feelings. On the one hand they seek novelty, change, excitement and new experiences, but on the other they feel insecure in a strange environment (Wahab, 1975:47; see also Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 178; Iso-Ahola, 1983a). The balance that is reached between these two opposing desires imparts an influence over subsequent behaviour, though the nature of this is dependent on the type of tourist. Cohen (1972b: 49-50) demonstrates the greater desire for novelty experienced by 'drifters' and 'explorers' than by organised mass tourists (see diagram 2), who often reconcile their contradictory feelings by seeking the novelty of a strange "macroenvironment" within the comparative security of a familiar "microenvironment". Thus, stimulating though unfamiliar climatic and physical surroundings are often enjoyed from within the security of an everyday immediate environment comprising companions in language, food, drink and even custom. The nature of this 55 fine balance is in no way constant, but by pervading over tourism motivation s the compromise so reached exerts a considerable influence over holiday choice. 3.3.4 Initial travel desire It was not until the 1970's and the work of Lundberg (1971), Mercer (1976a, 1976b), McIntosh (1977) and Schmoll (1977) that a substantial body of literature concerned with the reasons why people travel began to accumulate. However, as shown on diagram 3, there is little agreement as to the composition of this motivational "push". Careful consideration of these classification systems prompts the use of that developed by Mathieson and Wall (1982: 30) on the initial proposals • of McIntosh (1977:61), who set out four main types of initial travel motivation. These are briefly considered in turn: 1. Physical motivation is an outcome of the need of mankind to indulge in tourism (Kasumov, 1979: 60) in order to achieve physical and spiritual rehabilitation. This may be achieved by simple relaxation, participation in activities, or even the act of travelling itself. 2. Cultural motivation stems from an interest in foreign cultures, art or historical artefacts, and is a function of basic curiosity in the unfamiliar (see Dann, 1977; Kaiser and Helber, 1978: 1). As such it may often be 'reduced' in theoretical terms to mere instinct. 3. Personal motivation may be to retain family or friendship ties, or to generate fresh links with new 56 A factor not mentioned in the research by Morton — Williams is the role of attitudes towards tourism, which incidentally provides further fertile opportunities for application of the concept of the tourist's contradictory feelings. Schmoll (1977: 52), for example, remarks that a Table 10 : Major reasons for not taking a holiday REASONS % MENTIONING AS A MAJOR REASON + Expense 50 Family ties 31 Lack of interest or incentive 26 Too busy 8 Preference for day trips 9 + does not sum to 100% as more than one factor can be mentioned by an individual. (Morton — Williams, 1973 :5) fear of strange places may be enough to discourage travel. A similar function is exercised by the perceived threat to personal well—being, be it through illness or injury. There can be little doubt that some package holidaymakers aborted their plans for foreign travel following the series of aircraft disasters during 1984 and 1985. Such incidents may therefore alter the balance between felt travel desire and reasons for not travelling. However, providing these obstacles are either perceived as insignificant, or are circumvented or otherwise overcome, the decision to take a holiday will be made. This in turn triggers specific motivation as part of the destination decision—making process. 3.3.5 Specific holiday motives If there were no geographical differences between places, tourism 59 would not exist (Robinson, 1976: 42). To gain patronage, the holiday destination has to offer certain characteristics beyond those found in everyday living environments. Quite often a simple change in surroundings may ensure this. Alternatively, the destination product may be developed to meet the requirements of particular customers, or rather the market may shape itself around the product available (Burkart and Medlik, 1974: 46-47). Either way, destination characteristics are prominent. These are classified by Burkart and Medlik (1974: 44) and Holloway (1983: 9) as accessibility, attractions and amenities. Many of the components of rival systems (for example, Peters, 1969: 148-9; Wahab, 1975: 77-8) can be assigned to one of these three interdependent categories. Realistically, they are likely to interract to determine the overall "pull" exerted by a destination, though it is nonetheless important to assess their relative significance. This is achieved by Ritchie and Zins (1978) using a method pioneered by Gearing et al (1974), the results of which are shown on table 11. In concluding climate as a major factor, these findings agree with those of Morton-Williams (1973: [iv English Tourist Board (1976a: 7). Climate must not be seen as a singular commodity however. Kaiser and Helber (1978: 144) pinpoint the importance of access. These two qualities are sensibly combined by Patmore (1983: 156) in remarking that, "The two prime factors in the choice of holiday destination are the friction of distance and the lure of the sun, factors that are equally applicable abroad and at home." Alternatively, Kaynak and Yavas (1981) conclude that good weather and a seaside location represent the two most important features in destination choice, the latter characteristic explained by Mercer (1972) in terms of the psychological attraction of the junction in landscape ]) and the 60 between land and sea. Weighing the relative travel ease offered by inclusive tours against the psychological barrier imposed by more than one day's travelling means, in the context of the package holidaymaker, both conclusions are likely to be equally valid. Widespread reference to climate, however, suggests its importance must be fully recognised. By indentifying 'physical' factors as the most important, Matley (1976: 22) Table 11 : The relative importance of destination qualities RANK CHARACTERISTICS 1 Natural beauty and climate 2 Cultural and social characteristics 3 Accessibility 4 Attitude towards tourists 5 Regional infrastructure 6 Price level 7 Sport, recreation and education facilities 8 Shopping and commercial facilities (Ritchie and Zins, 1978: 261) offers more cautious conclusion. This accounts for the secondary role assumed by 'high contact' characteristics such as sports and shopping facilities, and other elements of the destination infrastructure. Between the two ranks cultural and social characteristics, according to Ritchie and Zins (1978). Whilst this may be true for certain 'independent' travellers (though Turner and Ash, 1975: 245, would disagree), it is unlikely to be applicable to the modern mass tourist, whom Boorstin (1963) scorns as wanting novelty without risk, hardship or subsequent intellectual demands, and a simple escape into superficiality (see Marcuse, 1964: 57). A more pragmatic summation is provided by Matley (1976: 22) who suggests that, "To many tourists the country matters little. Spain may have bullfights and flamenco dancers and Italy may have Latin lovers and the Leaning Tower of Pisa, but what matters to most is the promise of reliable sunshine, warm temperatures, a beach to lie on, warm waters to swim in, and clean but cheap hotels and restaurants." 61 A great deal more uncertainty pervades over the significance of the travel agent as a source of information. This is not discussed at length here (see Time, 1967; Richardson, 1969; Sindlinger, 1969; Sesser, 1970). A similarly large body of literature covers the debate over the effect of mass media advertising on travel choice (eg. see Waugh, 1962; Montgomery and Bergman, 1966; McCalls, 1969; Rusk, 1970; Marplan, 1972), although it is generally considered secondary to informal sources or direct experience (see Gunn, 1972 : 115; Young, 1973: 4). Assessment of current tourism advertisements suggests that corporate advertising to gain tour operating loyalty takes precedence over that focussing on specific destinations. Though information search may vary according to certain characteristics of the holiday to be undertaken (for example, Schul and Crompton, 1983, find that as the propensity to visit an unfamiliar destination increases, so does the extent of information search), it is largely a very individual phenomenon with respect to differing types of holidaymaker (Nolan, 1974: 73). So too is the process by which it is employed in the construction of pre-holiday images. Though studies measuring images of far-distant places abroad are numerous (see, for example, Georgulas, 1970; Harrison and Sarre, 1971; Mayo, 1973; Saarinen, 1973; Hunt, 1975; Riley and Palmer, 1976; Swart, Gearing and Var, 1976; Walker J.D., 1976), with the exception of Hunt (1975), rarely have they been studied in the context of decision-making (Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 32). A more common theme rests on the difference between cognitive and actual physical distance, expounded in theoretical terms by Briggs (1973), Cadwallader and Clark (1973), Downs and Stea (1977), and Mackay and Zinnes (1981). The difference between the two increases as actual distance to destination increases (Cook and McCleary, 1983). Only infrequently, however, are these studies integrated with the wider field of tourism decision-making 64 research, though they are at least more numerous than those investigating processes of evaluation between possible holiday options. 3.3.7 Means of selection from alternative choices Very little is known about the range of options considered and how these are evaluated in the build-up to holiday choice. Are individuals intent on reaching specific destinations before consideration of options even commences, or are broader parameters exercised? Are many options considered, or is the first holiday meeting certain criteria chosen? How often is the holiday an impulse purchase, or is it more frequently subject to careful consideration and debate? Questions such as these are very difficult to answer given the scarcity of applicable studies. Something approaching a framework is provided by the research of Woodside and Sherrell (1977) who find that travellers usually consider a limited number of destinations (from 2 - 5) which they feel they have a reasonable likelihood of visiting, since the mental process of evaluating the positive and negative features of a large number of resorts is likely to be an unacceptable task. There is clearly considerable scope for further research into the means of resort evaluation and selection. Though similar comment equally applies to other areas of tourist decision-making, there is a more pressing need to streamline such research by more frequent standardisation of classification systems, and further integrated application of findings to the explanation of expressed behaviour patterns. An additional step is 65 required in the case of the package holidaymaker, for there is first a need to confirm the relevance of this tourism research in general (together with amendments where necessary) prior to acquiring a genuine understanding of package holiday choice. The paucity of strictly relevant literature means this can only be achieved by adoption of a multidisciplinary approach, encouraging the cross—fertilisation of ideas (see Heeley, 1982). Selectivity is the key attribute of such an approach, both to retain conceptual tidiness and to ensure theoretical manageability. This provides the basic premise on which research extracts from a variety of related sources are discussed in the following section. 3.4 LEISURE AND RECREATION STUDIES 3.4.1 The nature of application As holidays may be seen as the peak of the annual leisure experience (Burkart and Medlik, 1974:221) it is profitable to provide an explanation of tourist behaviour within the wider context of leisure (see Coppock, 1974: 235; D.G. Pearce, 1981: 1). Given the many difficulties encountered in defining leisure (see Glasser, 1973: 63; Roberts, 1978: 1), it is important to recognise that the combined discussion of leisure and recreation studies in this section in an outcome of their overlapping contribution rather than any terminological confusion. This is apparent in the mutual call for greater use of decision—making information in the explanation of behaviour patterns (see Cherry, 1976). Glyptis (1983a: 2) sees the reliance on descriptive data for explanatory Debate concerning the existence of these links is extensive, and will not be entered into here. Suffice to say that despite criticism based on the assumptions made (see M.A. Smith, 1973: 6), the role of intervening variables (see Pennings, 1976; Iso-Ahola, 1980; Kabanoff and O'Brien, 1980), the means of such linkage (Mannell and Iso-Ahola, 1985: 173) and the claim that supporting evidence is in fact limited (see Burns, 1973: 40-1; Spreitzer and Snyder, 1974; Champoux, 1975: 56; Kabanoff, 1980; Surber, 1983; Loundsbury and Hoopes, 1985), a large number of writers add their support to the notion of a work/leisure relationship. The nature of this evidence is dependent on the dimensions on which work and leisure are compared, and the hypothetical level at which this comparison is made (see diagram 4). The complexity introduced by these considerations prevents simple summation of the nature of the work/leisure relationship other than to suggest that the link is a subtle one (Parker, 1973a :69), and sensitive to the measures used to uncover it. It is more important to recognise that it may aid our understanding of the choice between an independent or package holiday, the former being characterised by independence and decision autonomy, the latter by routine and external organisation. Such differences were inferred by Newman (1973: 235-8) to account for the high proportion of working class people preferring package holidays. If so, this represents support for the 'Spillover' hypothesis. It will be investigated further in Chapters Six and Seven. 3.4.3. Behavioural careers and the life cycle The evolution of leisure participation, in tandem with progression through the life cycle, facilitates the identification of 'leisure careers' (see Kelly, 1977; Osgood and Howe, 1984). This is Diagram 4 : An outline of support for the relationship between work and leisure activities A: COMPARISON DIMENSIONS DIMENSION NATURE OF RELATIONSHIP REFERENCE 1 Interpersonal interaction : Spillover : Bishop & Ikeda (1970) : Staines & Pagnucco (1977) 2 Autonomy : Spillover : Meissner (1971) : Karasek (1976) 3 Mental effort : Spillover : Kohn & Schooler (1973) : Karasek (1976) 4 Physical effort : Compensation : Bishop & Ikeda (1970) : Karasek (1976) B: COMPARISON LEVEL LEVEL NATURE OF REFERENCE RELATIONSHIP 1 Attitude : Spillover : Harry (1971) : Campbell et al (1976) : Orpen (1978) : Compensation : Grubb (1975) : Mansfield & Evans (1975) : Adams & Stone (1977) : Herbert (1984) 2 Behavioural : Spillover : Miller & Kohn (1982) : Compensation : — none uncovered because the uses and character of leisure are fashioned by surrounding society (Roberts, 1978: 92) and the experiences it imparts on the individual (Stover and Garbin, 1982). As with any career, in the absence of major upheavals, later stages of development reflect the origins on which it is founded. Thus, the impact of society and subsequent experiences during the formative years of the life cycle explains why adult leisure activities are often a function of childhood participation (see Sofranko and Nolan, 1972; Yoesting and Burkhead, 1973; Kelly, 1977). 70 The notion of 'leisure careers' is therefore not just an expression of academic convenience, but is also a plausible interpretative tool in the explanation of behaviour. It is ably demonstrated by Young and Willmott (1973: 15) who remark that, "... our own survey ... showed ... that older people more often went for walks and were more satisfied with their jobs. Can it be safely concluded that they were like that only because they were older? Clearly not. Such an unqualified conclusion would be legitimate only if there had been no historical change in these respects since the people, now old, were young. If the assumption is abandoned, the possibility has to be reckoned with that the old people are as they are partly because when they were young they walked more and rode less, or were more satisfied with their jobs than people have since become. They may, as [they have grown older, not changed but remained more or less] as they started out, while younger generations have started off differently, and also stayed the same subsequently; or, more likely, both influences were at work together. The difference may be due to their birth-date in a sequence of ever-changing centuries as well as to their birth-date alone Clearly, the effect of past experiences is crucial to our understanding of current behaviour, an emphasis often discussed within recreation research. This may determine information processing (for example, see Lime and Lucas, 1977; Krumpe, 1979; Rentz and Schreyer, 1979; Lucas, 1981; Roggenbuck and Berrier, 1981) or motivation towards certain behavioural 'ends'. As such it represents a close ally to the concept of leisure careers. Combined, they help provide a particularly attractive perspective from which to interpret package holiday choice, particularly in the light of rapid changes in holidaymaking behaviour witnessed this century (see Chapter Two). To ensure accurate interpretation of this behaviour , a working knowledge of the decision-making process is required. This is one element discussed in the following section. 71 Cunningham, 1979). The nature of these ties, however, needs unravelling before their value to the current study can be proposed, though it must be remembered that much research to date is based on small samples (see Sanders and Brizzolara, 1982). Bell and Baron (1976) and Palamerek and Rule (1980) find that as temperature increases, so does the tendency for aggressive behaviour. A contrary trend however is uncovered by Schneider et al (1980) and Goldstein (1972). This conflict may be reconciled by consideration of the temperature extremes examined, for it is unlikely temperature is linearly related to aggression, either positively or negatively. Rather, two critical temperature levels exist, between which aggression is subdued, and above or below which aggression is provoked. Other findings are less equivocal. Optimism scores increase as the number of sunshine hours per day rises (Persinger, 1975; Howarth and Hoffman, 1984). Similarly, warm temperatures invoke friendliness (M.R. Cunningham, 1979), whilst attraction response of individuals to stimuli are strongly positive under 'comfortable conditions' (Griffitt, 1970), genial temperatures contributing towards this. These findings clearly account for the preference of many holidaymakers to seek favourable weather on holiday. If the associations are to be believed (and there are fundamental medical reasons for these preferences), this in turn accounts for the cheery disposition often displayed whilst on holiday, and explains why activities are undertaken which, for the rest of the year, would not even be considered. The 'happy holiday' therefore, more than just a familiar term, may actually be the 74 simple manifestation of biological and physiological response to a sympathetic and favourable environment. This brings us full circle once more to consideration of the basic human drives, outlined by Maslow (1954; 1968) amongst others. As such, psychological research provides an understanding of certain elements of holiday choice that is much more than skin deep by explaining the mechanisms behind climatic preferences. A similar function is achieved by studies of fashion. 3.5.3. The role of fashion As demonstrated in Chapters One and Two, variation in destination trends can sometimes be ascribed to fluctuations in the "pull" of fashionable resorts. The French ski village of Courchevel is a current example. What are the mechanisms behind such behaviour? Fashion theory has evolved largely through emphasis placed on clothing, though the principles involved are generally considered applicable to all products and services (Sproles, 1981a). Long term variation in fashion occurs as tastes evolve in an historical continuity of styling changes (Sapir, 1931; Blumer, 1969). Alternatively, short term variation occurs as a consequence of progression through stages in the product life cycle (known as introduction, acceptance, mass conformity and decline / obsolescence). This may pass in less than a decade. Both may be applied to tourism, the latter possibly accounting for the shift in destination preferences since 1970 (see Lundberg, 1972: 10). Upperclass leadership theory assigns propagation of these trends to higher social groups (see Sproles, 1981a), who in the first instance enjoy sole 75 patronage of a particular product (in this case, the holiday destination). However, as holiday options previously available only to the upper classes slowly trickle down the social scale, their reaction is to retain exclusivity by enforcing a change of holiday habit to a new destination. Alternatively, mass market theory (after King, 1963) proposes that mass production and communications make new styles available to all social classes simultaneously, fashion diffusion thereby having the opportunity to commence at the same time within any given social group. This would seem to provide a suitable explanation of the switch in package holidaymaker patronage from Spain to Greece and Yugoslavia in the early 1980's. Both theories, however, require careful consideration in the context of explicit destination preferences, before the effects of fashion on resort choice can be evaluated. It is in this context that the remark made by Sproles (1981a: 116) that, "The phenomenon of fashion invades consumers' choices of many products and services." finds much validity, thereby invoking further investigation of consumer choice behaviour. 3.6 CONSUMER CHOICE RESEARCH 76 1972), the consumer often seeks to reduce its effect by means of risk reduction strategies, the most common being extensive information search prior to purchase, and brand loyalty. In general, as perceived risk increases so does the propensity to seek relevant information (Swan, 1972; Weigl, 1975). As purchase price and perceived risk are strongly interlinked, it is not surprising to find that as price increases so information search, in terms of time and the range of sources, becomes more extensive (see Towery, 1970; Arndt, 1972: 10; Newman and Staelin, 1972; Ross, 1974: 49; Kiel and Layton, 1981). A similar effect is exercised by an increase in inter-purchase time (Engel, Kollat and Blackwell, 1968: 519; see also Midgley, 1983). Both dictate anticipation of extensive information search prior to package holiday purchase. They may be insufficient, however, to allay fears involved in holiday choice, such is its relative magnitude and infrequency. Under such circumstances the consumer may further reduce perceived risk by exercising brand loyalty, be it with respect to the tour operator, destination, or choice of any other holiday component. A high risk purchase is more likely to foster brand-loyal behaviour (Cunningham 1967a: 513-4) than frequent or low-risk purchases, many of which generate an opposite tendency simply as a means of maintaining novelty (Brickman and D'Amato, 1975). Once established however, as familiarity increases so too does the impetus for variety-seeking (Pessemier and Handelsman, 1984). This suggests that inexperienced package holidaymakers exercise brand loyalty until sufficiently familiar with the product (at which point perceived risk is assumed to decline), when more adventurous purchases may be made. Indeed, novelty may be 79 valued in its own right, not only on account of the stimulation it may ensure, but also as a means of furthering recognition of the initial purchase by onlookers. 3.6.3 The concept of 'conspicuous consumption' As a phenomenon of buying behaviour, the notion of 'conspicuous consumption' was first introduced by Veblen (1899), but has received little attention since then (Mason, 1984). Its basic premise is that as a form of exceptional behaviour, it lies beyond the general scope of consumer theory, which views the purchase of goods or services as a function of their inherent utility. Instead it is founded on the belief that a purchase may be made according to the value it assumes in the eyes of other individuals, whose opinions and reaction are important to the buyer. 'Conspicuous consumption' is therefore a form of purchase behaviour inspired by social rather than economic or physiological product utility (Mason, 1981: vii-viii). It is due to such forces that particularly high prices may be charged for prestige items, in so much as they facilitate 'status' acquisition within, or between, social groups (Mason, 1981: 28). Accordingly, 'conspicuous consumption' flourishes within affluent societies, (Galbraith, 1977). V.L. Smith (1979: 50) even remarks that, "Tourism, the world's largest peaceful industry, is a signal example of conspicuous consumption." The package holiday seems a particularly suitable candidate for such assessment. Although economy-based standardisation has been achieved, the holiday still represents the peak of the annual leisure experience, and thereby inherits status accordingly. As a frequently talked about event, 80 it is a highly 'visible' purchase (despite being intangible), as are often its after-effects. In the analysis chapters that follow l an attempt will be made to qualitatively assess the role of 'conspicuous consumption' in modifying anticipated behavioural response to certain controlling factors. Prior to this the explicit research objectives need to be established and the data-matrix, on which analysis is founded, further discussed. 81