Country Profile Italy, Tesine universitarie di Storia Sociale

Scarica Country Profile Italy e più Tesine universitarie in PDF di Storia Sociale solo su Docsity! I taly Introduction The transformation of the role of Italy from a country of emi- gration par excellence to a country of immigration took place somewhat suddenly from the late 1970s onwards. Especially in the last twenty years, Italy has experienced stronger immi- gration than many other European countries and currently the annual growth rate of the immigrant population is one of the highest in the European Union. Despite its young history of immigration, the country has significant experience regarding migration movements: apart from being one of the world’s largest exporters of manpower in the past, Italy, from the end of the 19th century onwards, also experienced sizable movements of internal migration from the agricultural South to the more industrialized North. In 1973, Italy, for the first time in its history, had a positive net migration rate: immigrants slightly outnumbered emi- grants. From that year on immigration steadily increased. This trend has become particularly noticeable since the 1980s: the 1981 population census already counted nearly 211,000 immigrants. In 1991 Italy faced the first wave of “mass immigration”: on only two days, around 50,000 Albani- ans arrived in Italy as a result of the collapse of the Albanian communist regime. The 1990s were marked by an accelera- tion of immigration flows. While there were 356,159 foreign residents in Italy in 1991, their number reached 1,300,000 in 2001 and increased even further to 4,500,000 in 2011. On the 1st of January 2012 4,859,000 foreigners resided on Ital- ian soil, representing about 8% of the county’s total resident population. Since the progressive EU enlargements, immi- grants especially come from Eastern European countries. Since 2004 Romanians have constituted the largest immi- grant community in Italy, followed by Albanians and Moroc- cans. Historical Development of Immigration Overseas emigration In the second half of the 19th century and in the early 20th century, Italy contributed greatly to intra-European migration flows and registered sizable emigration to North and South America and Australia. Mass overseas migration started in the 1870s. From 1876 until the outbreak of World War I, al- most 14 million Italians left the country. The USA turned into the principal destination for Italian emigrants. In fact, be- tween 1901 and 1914, 40% of all Italians leaving the country I t a l y No. 23 October 2012 Background Information Capital: Rome Official language: Italian Area: 301,340 km2 Population (at 1 Jan. 2011): 60,742,397 Population density: 201.57 inhabitants per km2 Population growth: 0.42% [2011], -0.08% [2010], -0.05% [2009] Foreign population as a percentage of total (at 1 Jan.): 7.5% [2011], 7.0% [2010], 6.5% [2009] Labor force participation rate: 62% [2011], 62.2% [2010], 62.4% [2009] Unemployment rate: 8.0% [2011], 8.4% [2010], 7.8% [2009] Religions (2011): Roman Catholics (87.8%), Protestants (1.3%), Other Christians (3.8%), Muslims (1.9%) [2007], No religion (5.8%) Country Profile No. 23 Italy went there. Migration to the USA significantly decreased be- tween 1917 and 1924 with the introduction of immigration quotas that limited the number of Italians permitted to enter the country to 5,000 per year. Also, the rise of the fascist regime in Italy led to increasing restrictions on emigration. Apart from the USA, other important migration destinations were Argentina and Brazil as well as France and Aus- tria-Hungary, at the beginning of the 20th century also to an increasing extent Germany and Switzerland. For most Ital- ians, migration was only temporary: 50% of all Italians set- tling in North and South America between 1905 and 1915 later returned to their home country. Italian migrants were also known as seasonal workers, thus they were nicknamed “birds of passage” in the USA and “golondrinas” (swallows) in Argentina. Migration in the interwar period and after the Second World War Emigration from Italy continued in the interwar period when more than 4 million people left the country. Several thousand opponents of the fascist regime fled Italy while at the same time migration towards Italy’s colonies in eastern Africa in- creased. In 1938, Italy and Germany signed a migration agreement on the basis of which about 500,000 Italians ar- rived in Germany to work in factories and, to a lesser extent, in agriculture. After the Second World War transcontinental emigration declined, while Italy was increasingly exporting manpower to those north-western European countries undergoing vigorous economic growth. Contrary to the situation before World War I, migration flows were now restricted and regulated, bilateral agreements becoming an important characteristic of labor migration regimes. Italy signed several such agreements: 1946 with Belgium and France; 1947 and 1948 with Ar- gentina; 1947 with Czechoslovakia, 1951 with Canada and Australia, and 1955 with Germany. Sending Italians abroad was, at that time, considered a strategy to counteract high unemployment rates attended by rising social pressure. Be- tween 1946 and the mid-1970s more than seven million Ital- ians left their country, half of them eventually returned home. Labor migration flows from Italy that were driven by the de- mand of the importing countries, did, however, not reach the magnitude of emigration that Italy had recorded before the Second World War. Despite of these emigration movements in the post World War II period, Italy was slowly undergoing a transition, turning from a migrant sending into an immigrant receiving country. This development was accompanied by an economic boom in the 1950s and 1960s which triggered large internal migration movements from the agricultural South to the industrialized North of the country. Becoming a country of immigration In 1973 Italy, for the first time, recorded a positive migration balance, thus becoming a country of immigration which it has remained ever since. The migration surplus was mostly due to large numbers of Italians returning from abroad, inward mobility was soon exceeding outward flows. At the same time, foreign immigration increased. The first waves were composed of women from the Philippines and Central Amer- ica, Eritrea and Cape Verde coming to Italy as domestic workers, and Tunisian, Senegalese and Moroccan men who were engaged mostly as fishermen in the South, as seasonal peddlers along the Italian coasts or as tomato pickers in the page 2 Country Profile No. 23 Italy called “Pacchetto Sicurezza” (“Security Package”, law 125/2008, amended the following year by the same government with the law 94/2009). These laws present migration as a threat because they draw a connection between illegal immigration, security and organized crime. The main provisions of the laws constituting the “Security Package” are the following: • Illegal entry and stay are declared a crime and are punished with a fine reaching from 5,000 to 10,000 euros [law 94/2009]; • Imprisonment from six months to three years and confiscation of the apartment of those who rent to clandestine immigrants [law 125/2008]. • The consequences for employers who employ ir- regular foreigners are aggravated [law 125/2008]. • It is now possible to keep illegal immigrants up to 180 days in so-called Identification and Expulsion Centres ("Centri di identificazione ed espulsione" - CIE5) in order to discover their identity and prepare subsequent repatriation [law 94/2009]. As can be seen from the development of Italian immi- gration policies, the “fight” against illegal immigration has, from the beginning, been at the heart of the polit- ical debate on immigration and respective legislation (cf. “Irregular Migration”). The Immigrant Population Development On the 1st of January 2012 more than 4,850,000 for- eigners were estimated to live in Italy, that is 8% of the total population. Compared to the previous years, Italy’s foreign population has significantly increased not only in total numbers but also with regard to their proportional share in the total population: in 2011, 4,570,317 foreigners were registered as residents in Italy, equal to 7.5% of the total population, while in 2010, 4,235,059 lived on Italian soil, constituting 7% of the total population. However, as can be seen from Table 3, the growth of the foreign population has slowed down in the last few years. The reasons for this slowdown are to be found in the recent economic recession that has hit Italy, like all of Europe. The economic crisis has caused a worsening of conditions for stay and employment, resulting in increasing numbers of foreign residents returning to their home country or moving to other countries.6 At the same time, the decrease in Italy’s foreign population is also due to naturalization. In 2010, for example, 65,938 people obtained Italian citizenship (+11.1% over 2009) (cf. “Citizenship”). Countries of origin On January 1st, 2011, Romanians were the largest immigrant group, representing 21% of Italy’s foreign population, fol- lowed by the Albanian community (10.6%), Moroccans (9.9%), Chinese (4.6%) and Ukrainians (4.4%) (cf. Table 4). A look not at countries but regions of origin shows that immi- gration to Italy is predominantly European (53.4%). More than half of the foreigners from European countries residing in Italy are citizens of an EU-member-state, most of them originate from countries that have only recently joined the Union (Romania, Poland, Bulgaria); the remainder originate principally from Central and Eastern Europe (especially Alba- nia, Ukraine, Republic of Moldova and Macedonia). The strong presence of immigrants from Central and Eastern Eu- ropean countries (citizens of EU and non-EU countries from this region combined represent 49.4% of all foreigners in Italy) is mainly due to the private sector’s need for domestic helpers and care workers. This sector employs large num- bers of foreigners from these countries. page 5 Country Profile No. 23 Italy As far as non-European countries are concerned, there is a prevalence of African citizens, mainly coming from North Africa (Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt in particular). This group represents 21.6% of Italy’s foreign population. Immigrants from Asia are mostly citizens of China, the Philippines and In- dia, representing 16.8% of the country’s foreign population. 8.1% of all foreign citizens residing in Italy come from the Americas, mainly from Peru and Ecuador. Gender distribution The overall distribution by gender is balanced, with a slight prevalence of women, but it is strongly imbalanced within the various communities. Women dominate notably among the Polish, Ukrainians, Moldavians, Romanians, Peruvians, Ecuadorians and Filipinos, while men are in the majority among citizens of Senegal, Egypt, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Tunisia, India, Ghana, Morocco, Sri Lanka, Albania and China (cf. Table 4). These differences are due to deeply rooted forms of seg- mentation by gender on the job market, as well as to different settlement patterns by nationality. The sector of personal and family services (help with children, the elderly and the sick, housework and other services, etc.) is emblematic for this phenomenon. Workers are almost exclusively female and the majority originates from countries such as the Ukraine, Poland, the Republic of Moldova, Romania, Peru, Ecuador and the Philippines. Immigrants from these countries of origin have established forms of chain migration that lead to the placement of further immigrants from the same region in the service and care sector. Territorial distribution Concerning the territorial distribution of immigrants in Italy, the majority of foreigners are concentrated in the northern (61.3%) and central (25.2%) regions of the country, while only 13.5% of all immigrants reside in Southern Italy. The re- gions accumulating the greatest number of foreigners are Lombardy and Lazio because their metropolitan capitals Mi- lan and Rome alone attract large numbers of immigrants. Considering not absolute numbers but the percentage of im- migrants over the total population, the highest concentration of immigrants is to be found in Emilia-Romagna, where the foreign population represents 11.3% of all residents, followed by Lombardy (10.7%) and Veneto (10.2%), whereas the na- tional average of the foreign population was 7.5% of the total population in 2011. While large cities and municipalities are generally the most important recipients of immigrants, there are also some small Italian towns, almost all in the North of the country, where the percentage of foreigners is particularly high, in some cases reaching 33% of the city’s total population. This, for instance, is the case in the Ligurian municipality of Airole (Imperia) which has about 500 inhabitants and almost one in every three residents is a foreigner.7 This distribution pattern reflects the economic and produc- tive structure of the country that is based on the diffusion of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs). Territorial distribution differs among immigrant groups. Al- banian citizens are prevalent in Apulia, the region facing the Albanian coast. The largest foreign community in Emilia-Ro- magna are Moroccans. Tunisians are mostly concentrated in Sicily, where they have carved out a leading part in the fish- ing sector. Liguria and Campania show a high density of Ecuadorians and Ukrainians while the Chinese are concen- trated in cities in northern and central regions of Italy that represent industrial and manufacturing zones like, for exam- ple, Prato, near Florence, where the Chinese community constitutes about 40% of all foreign residents. Territorial distribution mirrors the map of the foreign labour market, which is fairly segmented according to gender and ethnic origin and is maintained and supplied through migra- tion chains.8 Citizenship The first law on citizenship was passed in 1912 (Act 555). It established the jus sanguinis principle whereby only descen- dants of Italians had the right to obtain Italian citizenship, and predominantly the male line of descent. Thus, Children auto- matically acquired their father’s citizenship. Foreign women married to an Italian man were granted Italian citizenship whereas Italian women lost Italian citizenship in case of mar- riage with a foreign national if they acquired the citizenship of their husband. Since 1992 citizenship and naturalisation have been regu- lated by law 91 which abolished the gender differences of the previous law with regard to acquiring Italian citizenship. It is, however, still based on the concept of jus sanguinis: the law eased access to citizenship for descendants of Italian emi- grants but did not grant the same right to Italy’s immigrant population. Acquisition of citizenship according to the jus soli principle is limited to children whose parents are either unknown or stateless or if children are not automatically granted citizen- ship by their parents’ country of origin. The law further admits requests for naturalisation from non-EU citizens legally resi- dent in Italy for at least ten years (four years for EU citizens). page 6 Country Profile No. 23 Italy Furthermore, citizenship can be obtained through marriage to an Italian citizen after the foreign spouse has been legally resident on Italian territory for two years following the mar- riage (for three years if he/she is resident abroad). Second generation immigrants, born in Italy of parents with foreign citizenship may apply for Italian citizenship during a period of twelve months following their 18th birthday if they have lived continuously in Italy until adulthood. This law also allows for dual citizenship. Against the background of a growing immigrant population, the number of foreign citizens acquiring Italian citizenship continuously increased in the past years. Between 2005 and 2010 more than 288,000 people were naturalized. In 2010, 1.6% of the immigrant population became Italian citizens (cf. Figure 2). Immigrant Integration and Integration Policies Integration into the education system The inclusion of non-Italian students into the education sys- tem is at the centre of social policy debate in recent years, mainly due to the fact that the number of foreign students in compulsory education is steadily increasing. Data on educa- tion shows that in the School Year (S.Y.) 2010/2011 in the Italian School System there were 711,064 students without Italian citizenship (7.9% of the total student population in Italy). The number of non-Italian students increased by 5.4% over the previous S.Y. In comparison to the years before, this increase was lower than that which occurred in the school years 2009/2010 (+7% over previous S.Y. 2008/2009) and 2008/2009 (+9.6% over S.Y. 2007/2008). This increase is mainly due to a growing number of second-generation immi- grants - non-nationals born and raised in Italy - entering the Italian school system.9 Currently, primary schools hold the biggest share of non- Italian students with 254,644 admissions (9% of all children enrolled in Primary School are non-nationals). However, the most significant increase in non-Italian students the last decade was registered by Upper Secondary Schools, al- though at this school level the incidence of non-Italians on the total of students is still quite low (5.8%). Italians and foreign stu- dents show differences in the type of Upper Secondary Schools they chose to go to: while non-Italian students are concentrated in "Istituti Professionali" (Vocational In- stitutes) (40.4%) and in "Isti- tuti Tecnici" (Technical Insti- tutes) (38%), and only to a lower extent in "Licei" (High Schools/Grammar Schools) (18.7 %), Italian students most commonly prefer "Li- cei" (43.9%) and “Istituti Tec- nici” (33.2%) and, to a lesser extent, “Istituti Professionali” (19.2%). There is also a sig- nificant difference in school performance between Italian and foreign students, espe- cially at the Upper Sec- ondary School level: in the S.Y. 2009/2010, about 30% of non-Italian students were not promoted to the next S.Y. (about twice the rate recorded among Italian students) and thus had to repeat one year in order to improve their grades.10 Labor market integration Another key indicator of integration into society is job place- ment: the employment rate of foreigners in Italy is, in fact, higher than that of Italians (in 2010 it was 67.0% compared to 60.6% among Italians). However, the unemployment rate among foreign residents is higher than that of Italians (11.6% and 8.1%, respectively). This is partly due to the fact that for- eigners are concentrated in low-skilled job positions, the ones most affected by the current economic crisis.11 Social rights and political participation Italy lacks a systematic and coherent integration policy, though there are numerous laws regulating the various areas of social integration of migrants. Insufficient long-term politi- cal planning has resulted, up to now, in “emergency” reac- tions to the needs associated with the phenomenon of migra- page 7 Country Profile No. 23 Italy reaction, encouraging more illegal immigration by instilling into the collective migrant imagination the idea that – once on Italian soil - it will be possible to sooner or later regularize one’s status.19 In a nutshell, those programs undertaken by Italian gov- ernments, have, on the one hand, brought many immigrants out of illegality, but are, on the other hand, simply an ac- knowledgement of the ineffectiveness of existing migration policies and the failure to design foresightful strategies to regulate entries and reception of immigrants. Regularization can thus be regarded as a kind of “emergency” management. As long as the Italian economy calls for cheap and flexible la- bor the phenomenon of irregular migration, comprising illegal entries, the absence of a valid visa or residence permit and illicit employment, will keep on playing a central role with re- gard to immigration in Italy.20 Refuge and Asylum The “Bossi-Fini” law (Law 189/2002) considerably modified previous legislation on refugees and asylum. As a result, the “Commissione centrale per il riconoscimento dello ›status di rifugiato‹” (Central Commission for the Recognition of Refugee Status) was replaced by the “Commissione nazionale per il diritto di asilo” (National Commission for the Right of Asylum) which has a decentralized structure made up of local commissions all over Italy (located in Gorizia, Mi- lan, Rome, Foggia, Siracusa, Crotone, Trapani, Bari, Caserta, Turin, Bologna) which handle the requests of refugees residing within the boundaries of their territories. These local commissions are obliged by law to hear the ap- plicant within 30 days from submission of the request and to come to a decision within the following three days. Controlling the inflow of asylum seekers Over the last 10 years, there has been a discontinuous trend concerning asylum applications. This development has to be regarded against the background of arrivals by sea on Italian shores, because the majority of the immigrants coming to Italy this way are in fact refugees and asylum seekers (cf. Figure 3). In 2008, for example, 13% of all immigrants coming to Italy arrived by sea. Of these 75% applied for asylum; 50% of them were finally granted some form of protection.21 The fall in numbers of asylum applications in 2009 and 2010 was due to the ratification of the “Trattato di amicizia, partenariato e cooperazione” (Treaty of Friendship, Partnership and Coop- eration) with Libya, approved by Parliament in February 2009, whereby Libya agreed to fight illegal migration by pre- venting immigrants to depart from its shores. The treaty has, in short, resulted in increasing border controls.22 The ratifica- tion of this treaty has raised much concern among human rights associations, especially at the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The controversies mainly concern the fact that the management and control of the flows of asy- lum seekers fleeing war-torn countries, primarily in sub-Sa- haran Africa, was assigned to Libya, a country that has not signed the Geneva Refugee Convention.23 Current developments At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the number of European asylum seekers is shrinking whereas the num- ber of people who originate from African countries and apply for asylum is increasing (cf. Table 5). In 2011, Italian authorities received 37,350 applications for asylum, three out of four asylum seekers came from an African country, especially Nigeria (7,030 requests), Tunisia (4,805), Ghana (3,402) and Mali (2,607). The same year, the National Commission for the Right of Asylum gave a positive answer to 40% of the requests examined, while protection was denied in 44% of all examined cases (of the remaining 16% of asylum applications 9% could not be traced and 7% had another outcome24). Future Challenges The future scenario of migration in Italy depends on how three main issues will be addressed in the near future. At the level of policies the question how the management of immi- gration flows as well as the inclusion of the immigrant popu- lation into the Italian (mainstream) society can be improved is at the centre of attention. A second issue is the perception of immigration by the Italian public. Will immigration and immi- grants continue to be viewed in a rather negative light or will both be regarded as a chance rather than a threat? Finally, recent international developments such as the economic cri- sis and recent political changes in many North African coun- tries had and will continue to have an impact on immigration patterns in Italy. How to deal with the repercussions of these events will be a political and economic challenge Italy needs to find answers to. With regard to immigration policies, there is no doubt that one of Italy’s biggest challenges is that connected to irregular migration. It is necessary to develop appropriate measures to reduce the number of migrants living in irregularity on Italian soil because their irregular status is closely linked to social marginalization especially due to an irregular migrant’s lack in e.g. social and political rights. Also, coherent integration policies have to be designed, including the rethinking of the concept of citizenship and naturalization against the back- ground of Italy’s current character as a country of immigra- tion. How immigration is perceived by the Italian public also de- pends on the question how it is dealt with at the political level. Especially right-wing parties, like the Northern League (Lega Nord), tend to exploit the topic for electoral purposes by drawing a close connection between immigration and pub- lic security and by focusing exclusively on the criminalization of irregular migration. In order to win votes they present im- migrants as competitors for jobs, thereby blaming immigrants to be one reason for unemployment among Italian nationals. This is especially dangerous against the background of the current economic crisis that has predominantly affected vul- nerable groups, including immigrants. The worsening of the job market for both immigrants and Italians may lead to in- creasing competition for work and may provoke social con- flicts as well as changes in immigration patterns in the com- page 10 Country Profile No. 23 Italy ing years. Despite this discourse, there is also a tendency to- wards a growing awareness among the Italian public of the complementary role of immigrant labor especially with regard to specific economic sectors, such as care work and con- struction, where Italians do not want to work. Finally, international developments have an impact on im- migration patterns in Italy such as the “Arab Spring” in 2011 that has caused new migration movements from North Africa to Italy and Europe. Against this background, weaknesses of the Italian refugee reception and asylum system came to light that have to be addressed in the near future. Notes 1 Bertagna/Maccari-Clayton (2011). 2 For more information on the so-called “Mediterranean Model of im- migration” see Pugliese (2002). 3 Pastore (2009). 4 Rusconi (2010). 5 With the law 125/2008, the “Temporary Detention Centers” (CPT), established in 1998, adopt the name "Identification and Expulsion Centres" (CIE). 6 Ismu (2011a), Istat (2011). 7 Istat (2011). 8 Istat (2011). 9 Levels 0 (Early Childhood Education), 1 (Primary) and 3 (Lower Secondary) of ISCED classification 2011 (International Standard Classification of Education) (Cf. http://www.uis.unesco.org/Educa- tion/Documents/UNESCO_GC_36C-19_ISCED_EN.pdf). The edu- cation system in Italy is divided into five levels. The first three levels are the same for everyone: “scuola dell'infanzia” (Kindergarten, for children aged between 3 and 6 years), “scuola primaria” (Primary School, for children aged between 6 and 11), “scuola secondaria di primo grado” (Lower Secondary School, for students aged between 11 and 14 years). Having passed these three stages, students make a choice between several types of Upper Secondary Schools (5 years) differentiated by subjects and activities or between Re- gional Professional Schools (2 or 3 years). Concerning Upper Sec- ondary Schools, the main division is between the “Liceo” (High School/Grammar School), the “Istituto Tecnico” (Technical Institute) and the “Istituto Professionale” (Vocational Institute). The fifth edu- cational level is University which is accessible after having com- pleted 5 years of any type of Upper Secondary School. 10 Miur (2011), Ismu (2011b). 11 Istat (2012). 12 Ambrosini (2005). 13 DPR (“Decreto del Presidente della Repubblica”) is an Act passed by the President of the Republic. 14 Arango/Finotelli (2009), Caponio/Colombo (2005). 15 According to estimations of “Fortress Europe” since 1994 6,226 people died or were missing in the Strait of Sicily along the routes that go from Libya (from Zuwarah, Tripoli and Misratah), Tunisia (Sousse, Mahdia and Chebba) and Egypt (in particular the area of Alexandria) to the islands of Lampedusa, Pantelleria, Malta and the southeastern coast of Sicily. 1,822 of them only in 2011. 16 Ismu (2011a). 17 Arango/Finotelli (2009). To these must be added that of 2009, ex- clusively for domestic workers and care workers, which resulted in about 295,000 applications (see British Council, Migration Policy Group 2011). 18 Caponio/Colombo (2005). 19 Jahn/Straubhaar (1999). 20 Arango/Finotelli (2009) , Cnel (2008), Sciortino (2006). 21 Types of protection: international protection (temporary visa renew- able during the procedure), refugee status (5-year visa, renewable), subsidiary protection (3-year visa, renewable), humanitarian protec- tion (1-year visa, renewable). For further information, see SPRAR (2011). 22 SPRAR (2011). Because of the Libyan revolution the treaty is cur- rently temporarily suspended, although Libya has repeatedly af- firmed its intention to reactivate it. page 11 Country Profile No. 23 Italy 23 “World Report 2012: European Union“, online at http://www.hrw.org/. 24 Withdrawals and transfers due to Dublin requests. 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