Summary of Governing the World: The History of an Idea, Sintesi del corso di Storia Contemporanea

Scarica Summary of Governing the World: The History of an Idea e più Sintesi del corso in PDF di Storia Contemporanea solo su Docsity! Governing the World: The History of an Idea (2012) Mark Mazower Introduction: The aim of the author is to explore the historical evolutions of organized cooperation among nations. In 1815 was created the first model of international government, the conclave of Great Powers known as the Concert of Europe, to manage the continent after Napoleon’s defeat. They assumed that nationalism and internationalism would go hand in hand. Marx, Mazzini, Protestant, Merchants, Scientist, Anarchists… Everyone by the end of 1800 were holding international congresses. PART I: THE ERA OF INTERNATIONALISM Prologue: The Concert of Europe, 1815-1914 After napoleon’s defeat the peace in Europe were manged by the victorious Big Four (Austria, Russia, Britain and Prussia). Before the French revolution, there had been lots of alliance; the war against France had started out in this way, but it had ended, Gentz wrote in 1918, as something new – “a principle of general union, uniting all the states collectively with a federative bond, under the guidance of the five principal powers”. Based on respect for kings and hierarchy, it prioritized order over equality, stability over justice. The concert thus became associated with the idea of a conservative restoration across the continent, a restoration that would spy on radicals and intervene by force if necessary to put down revolutionary insurrection whenever the challenged the principle of monarchy. The social forces were about to sweep away the Concert’s Europe. The Crimean War (1853-56) and Franco-Prussian War (1870-71) were the conclusion of this alliance. Chapter 1: Under the sign of the international The idea of international society made up by the rulers of the world emerged out of dissatisfaction with medieval notions of universal empires. Kant → He imagines states as federate and not only bound by rules designed to avert war; he didn’t specify any mechanism, but he thinks that this process wouldn’t go trough commerce. He believed that the movement toward “world republic” would inevitably prosper and intensify principally because men everywhere are reasonable and will come over time to understand that is in their interest. Burke → He imagine a community of Europeans united in feeling and outlook, and castigated French Revolution for its violent breach of the community Europe. Bentham → Need for a sharp distinction between law within a state and law between states. A system of law is the necessary foundation of universal peace. So, the need for an international court able to adjudicate between disputing nations. Internationalism was moving into public opinion and growing hold on the European imagination. Capitalism and colonialism brought hundreds of thousands of European to US, this era of accelerated migration forged a culture attentive to the idea of the world as a unity. Geographical innovation (Map) and new technologies make the world and the consciousness interconnected. The idea of international spread all over the world. Also as futuristic/fiction novels. Chapter 2: Brotherhood The peace movement After Napoleon’s death evangelic expectation resurge, taking advantage of growing European power overseas to propagate their own version of civilizing mission. Their main and abiding cause was the battle for peace. In the 19th century born several groups of pacifists which became to be a new voice in politics; like the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace (1916, by British dissenters and evangelicals) or The American Peace Society. One of the first international convention was the Anti-slavery convention that met in London in 1840. In general, the main theme was that cooperation for peace was mandate by God. Elihu Burrit publicized the idea of a League of Universal Brotherhood at the World Temperance Convention in August 1846; for Burrit it was up to workingmen to band together and refuse to fight each other (idea taken subsequently by Marx). Louis Napoleon in 1849 offered to limit naval armaments to any level provided the British followed suit (first time that formal diplomacy and peace agitation were intermingle). In 1849, in Paris, took place a major international peace conference, where participated half a dozen of European countries and W.W. Brown (black men in representation of American Peace Society). In the agenda there were the formation of a Congress of Nation and the constitution of a High Tribunal, similar to decision took in Versailles seventy years later. The peace movement, after the event in Hungary, Polonia, Italy and France, was running out of steam. Thing improved a bit in 1851 at the London EXPO, where four thousand people crowded into London’s Exter Hall. The Crimean war (1853) and the American Civil War (1857) brought the dissolution of the Peace Congress Committee. The Crimean War tore apart the European Concert and demonstrate that the spirit of war had not been abolished. Free Trade In 1847, the radical member of parliament Richard Cobden made a tour of Europe to promote the free trade, which has often been depicted as a means of facilitating communication among men and bringing peace to the world, trade as the means of reconciling self-interest and the general welfare. Metternich use the terms “laboratory of Governments” suggesting that government is a science, a matter for experts who understand the laws of nature and man. Cobden says that at the base of every system of government were social forces upon which the successful management of international forces depend. → main problem of Concert was do not understand this fact, denying the existence of a society in flux. Radicals talked not of stability but of peace → shift to democracy bring peace because people were naturally peace-loving and only driven to war by the selfish ambitions of their old masters. Cobden’s free trade movement was the leading and most successful version of radical internationalism. The potentially horrible consequences of these legal formulations emerged at the Berlin colonial conference of 1884-85. So, lawyers discussed new constitutional agreements such as protectorates. The spread of colonialism helps lawyers arguing that was in interest of the world’s civilization that law and order and the true of liberty consistent therewith shall reign everywhere upon the globe. However, for example the occupation has different means in “civilized” country expect to the “barbaric”. The 1899 discussion, at The Hague, did produce some results in the realm of warfare. They outlawed several weapons and they confirmed that military occupation was a temporary, provisional state of affairs among two different states. One implication of labelling country as uncivilized, was that if Africans or Asians sought to resist European incursions they could be treated as if they lay outside the law. For example, in 1914, the British manual of military law noted that rule of international law applies only to warfare between civilized nations. Hence this was translated into the massacres, aerial bombings and systematic detentions that characterized European imperialism. Stead wrote that inside Europe, civilization meant peace; outside it, violence. Cremer’s cause The follow up to the 1899 Hague peace conference took place in 1907. More countries took part especially from outside Europe. Randal Cremer started the campaign for international arbitration. In 1890, at the International American Congress in Washington, were approved a motion to adopt arbitration as a principle of American international law. Roosevelt suggested that should be a second conference of peace in Hague to continue the work started in 1899. In 1889 Cremer with other settled up the Inter-Parliamentary Union, which had the role of arbitrating. Several international lawyers agreed that arbitration itself wasn’t enough, and they called for the creation of an international court. In 1905, were founded the American Society of International Law. Chapter 4: Science the unifier The Concert of Europe didn’t have international organization, the idea of international organization born outside. In this contest came to light Social Science, which was supposed to promote international cooperation and to study the social forces. Saint-Simon in his work for the first time elevated the idea of organization into a principle of international government. In 1814 he proposed the idea of a federation of the entire continent. Many political theorists saw Saint-Simon as a precursor of LON and UN. Universal association was the main Saint-Simonian value. Saint-Simonianism: - Engineer as a labourer for mankind, the technician as harmonizer of peoples. - Quasi-evolutionary rationale for the principle of international organization, connecting life’s origins in small, simple biological microorganisms along a great chain of being to its ultimate flowering in complex social international structures. For Galton there was no social issue that could not be resolved through the application of scientific method. Comte saw sociology as the toolkit for rational social management and he believed that the age of colonialism was over. He also believes that all nationalities should meet under the direction of a homogeneous speculative class guided by the science, in particular sociology. Such reasoning made statistic the key to good government. The standardization had a big impact on several field, one of this was the telegraph. The world’s first public international union was The International Telegraph Union (1865). After several International Standard Organization come to light, not only in scientific and technical field but also in question of social and economic policy. The result was an explosion of meetings, conferences and international. Networking. The Sain-Simon’s prophecy of association through technology seemed to be becoming true. Otlet’s Mundaneum By 1910 Brussels had become the busiest host of international events, also because the bad experiment in Congo, which create a necessity of positive publicity. In 1907 was set up a Central Office of International Institutions, planned as a future organization of organizations. The idea come from the mind of Otlet. The aim was to coordinate and share information among the twenty or more bodies that had established permanent office in Brussels. Otlet thought that the problem after Hague (1917) was the lack of organization between the forces of internationalism. This idea brought to the emergence in 1910 of a Union of International Associations. He wanted to transform Belgium into a kind of global data central. He dreamed of a World Palace (Mundaneum). → Like a “World Brain”. Idea of Society of Nations by Otlet → A sovereign supranational authority with its own parliament, judiciary and executive backed by its own international army. After the war such idea went down, and the mood changed. The limits of international expertise Political differences often divided the scientist, even when they considered themselves to be internationalist. Scientific cooperation was often hostage to larger political consideration. Science’s militarization made this problem worse. Universal Language In reality, science was a messy business, divergent views about how to reach that goal. In order to destroy the obstacle of language, were proposed several ways, one of this was the creation of a new language, the Esperanto. In 1905, the first international Esperanto congress took place. The movement came to a bad end. Another problem was the different ways to collect data in every country. For all this reason the idea of World City failed. Even today there are conflict in measure unit. However, this effort led to the founding of the Food and Agriculture Organization by UN and several different organizations, such IMO, WHO and ISO. Chapter 5: The League of Nations Internationalists believed in cooperation between nations driven by scientific and commercial progress, and they regarded militarism and alliance diplomacy as irrational and retrograde. Woodrow Wilson played a fundamental role in building a durable and as we know it League of Nations. The ambiguities of Woodrow Wilson One of the most celebrated persons by historian was Woodrow Wilson, to his supporter, he incarnates an America that cared for an about the world and refused to turn inward. He became an inspiration for following presidents. He had a critical role in the foundation of LON. He bypassed what had been util then the prevailing American mode of internationalist engagement. Wilson wanted to keep power with the politicians rather than give it to lawyers, and he made sure that his League would be a forum for-quasi parliamentary deliberation rather than a judicial court to deliver verdicts. LON as a bridge between the world of nineteenth-century empire and the twentieth century rise of the nation-states. Taft → worked for full treaties of arbitration with Canada and Britain. He wants a League to Enforce Peace that submit international disputes. Roosevelt → called for the establishment of a World League for the Peace of Righteousness to enforce the rule of law via the “international police power”. Both systems had problems. Wilson sought to build something that would grow organically over time to meet mankind’s universal aspirations, not the interest of a few powers who could probably get along anyway. In December 1914, House mused that an inter-American agreement might serve as a model for European nations. Based on republican democratic principles, committed to the benefits of trade and the protection of property rights. Wilson wants a sort of Monroe Doctrine all over the world, hence no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own polity… The entrance in war against Germany can seems a paradox, but the intention of Wilson was: “to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up among the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles”. Wilson combined theology with political pragmatism. Lenin insisted on the right of determination of small nations. Wilson had an Inquiry, which was a team of experts, which collect basic data on nationalities in Europe in order to help him to draw up his own peace programme. This programme is known as The Fourteen Points. Wilson talked about the need for an association that would guarantee the territorial integrity and independence of the members. The British empire as a League of Nations The idea to create a single overwhelmingly powerful group of nations who shall be the trustee of the peace of the world was promoted by Llyod George and Wilson (Anglo-American solidarity). Woolf’s “International Government” was fundamental to the circulation of this idea. Hankey summarize the main post-war options: - A sort of international organization, such as a league to enforce peace (by Woolf and Liberals) - A league of the character of the Concert of Europe formed after 1815 - A reversion to the balance of power Cecil → hand to Americans a blueprint which outlined a secretariat, an international council of states, and an international court of justice. The anxiety about race led to the emergence of a new discipline, international relations, which was about how to think about the global implications of race tensions at a time when empire was increasingly in question. Western world want to create a standard civilization but there was no easily applicable political model. The extension of colonial rule was unacceptable to European and American public opinion; on the other hand, allowing colonial peoples their freedom seemed equally preposterous. Here the League gave a big contribution to the redefinition of Europe’s relations with the colonial world. The idea that uncivilized peoples would benefit from an internationalized regime within an imperial order. Internationalization as civilization of countries to permit the participation in civilized life → r idea by Hobson (radical British journalist). The debate was moved to Annexation or Not Annexations of Africa and Middle east by western countries. Americans for the no, French for the Annexation and the British found a compromise. There would be three classes of mandates, corresponding to the supposed civilizational capabilities of their inhabitants. - Class A → Middle East → provisional recognition of their independence - Class B - Class C Wilson got agreement to create a Permanent Mandatory Commission to scrutinize the work of mandatory powers. The commission paved the way for post-war decolonization. Communist Internationalism The internationalist credentials had been shattered by the outbreak of WWI as workers went to fight for their respective countries. The third International was conceived as a supranational organization to which all communist parties would be subordinate. The authority was in the hand of the so called Comintern. Leninist and Wilsonian internationalism were in competition from the very start. From the Marx-Mazzini clash the cold-war was a continuation of the same struggle between rival nineteenth-century conceptions of international order. In the 20s the Soviet made softer the relation with the League, which had also the aim of increase the stability of the continent. In the mid-20s anticolonialism moved to the centre of Comintern activity. In 1934, USSR was admitted to the League and became a permanent member of it. In 1935 the Comintern devoted almost no space to anti-colonialism. The problem with internationalism Behind all the talks of equality, there were some states that were more equal than others, the major power had permanent seats on the council, and they did not have to worry about being bound by things like minority rights treaty. The League was just another alliance. For Nazis each state must develop its own conception of law. In 1936 Germany leave the League. By the end of 1937 Mussolini announced his withdraw from the League. So, the anti- Communist alliance between Germany, Italy and Japan came to light. The idea of creating a world order in which the really vigorous nations can live together → All nations of the world be given each its own proper place → Similar to a system of hierarchy. Hence born the idea of great space of influence: Japan over Asia and Italy and Germany over Europe. What’s wrong with international law? The rise of Nazi had thrown into question many of the most cherished axioms of interwar internationalism. Wright said that totalitarianism has unmasked the inadequacy of the philosophical and political foundations of international law. PART II: GOVERNING THE WORLD THE AMERICAN WAY Chapter 7: “The League is dead. Long live the United Nations.” To America In 1940, after the invasion of France the League’s secretary-general named Avenol demonstrated the will to collaborate with Nazis. By August he was gone. The American connection provided a lifeline for what was left of the League in Geneva. Sweetser → promote the idea of bringing over the secretariat’s economist and staticians. There were two main problems: - The reluctance of Avenol to allow the dispersion of League’s office - Roosevelt administration, worried in what was an election year about an isolationist backflash if the US was seen to be welcoming the league The problems were overcome and in August twelve key secretariat member made their homes in New Jersey. In America grew the idea of participation in the League. Getting the Americans in The British were working in the same direction. In 1940, in the UK the idea was to create an Anglo-American partnership to control the word → To prevent a strengthening of diplomatic relations between British and Russian, Roosevelt invited Churchill to a secret rendezvous. The idea of an Anglo-American alliance becomes reality, in 1941, with the Atlantic Charter. Roosevelt preferred to leave aside the question of a new LON until the US and Britain had policed the world for a few years and disarmed their enemies. For Churchill Europe’s stability depend on effective Great Power control. Roosevelt wants to shift the public opinion back toward internationalism by steering clear of any discussion of organizational questions and highlighting the achievements international cooperation could make in different areas. Once the war started and the military cooperation intensified, Roosevelt searched round for ways of rendering the alliance more palatable to American public opinion. One of these was by recasting it as part of a much larger coalition. In December 1941 Roosevelt hit upon the term “United Nations”. Before the UN became a peacetime organization, therefore, it was a wartime alliance. Britain, US, USSR + 26 countries → the aim was to defend the principles enshrined in the Atlantic Charter. In 1943 the first UN conference was organized at Hot Springs to discuss food needs. UN want to concentrate on humanitarian issues rather than political. In the 1944, at Bretton Woods, were drawn up a set of rules and institutions that would regulate international monetary activity and prevent any return to the slump of the 1930’s. The two new major internationals bodies that had been coming to life after several meeting and conference were International Monetary Fund and International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank). The aim was to control international capitalism. It was the 1943 that the first public indications emerged that the Big Three were committed to returning to some kind of permanent world security organization when the war was over. In the Big Three meetings that took place in late 1943 it was finally agreed to create a permanent international security organization. The organization will be based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states, and open to membership by all such states, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security. Roosevelt idea was to create an executive council of the Big Four as well as six or seven other delegates selected by region, and an enforcement body dominated by the Big Four that was authorized to deal with any threat to the peace. The opposition against the four policeman idea came from the American’s public opinion, which accused Roosevelt of everything. In different ways all three accepted the basic point that the new UNO should have a military force of some kind at its disposal. The main problem was the Veto right. Around the ratification of UN treaty there were lots of uncertainty, such as role of smaller nations, relation between US and USSR and other problems. In April 1944, the LON came to his finish. League bodies metamorphosed into better-funded UN entities (WHO, FAO, UNESCO). The UN took possession of the remaining League assets, including his human capital. UN can be seen as an evolution of the LON. The Big Three had ended up creating an organization that combined the scientific technocracy of the New Deal with the flexibility and power-political reach of the nineteenth-century European alliance system. Chapter 8: Cold War realities, 1945-49 The Cold War did not derail the project of internationalism; rather it redefined it and established its limits and goals and its relationship to American power. Living with the United Nations Peace is a worldwide problem, and the maintenance of peace and not merely in restoration, depends primarily on the unit of the great powers. → Secretary of state, 1945. In October 1945 the UN came to life. In London, in January 1946, were discussed two fundamental items; one was to appoint a secretary-general and the other was to determine where the new organization should be based. The 1948 General Assembly met in Paris and voted on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Genocide Convection. Away from the monkey house US had moved far from Roosevelt’s pursuit of Great Power cooperation and had decided it needed a new strategy to confront Bolshevism directly. In the UN the confrontation between US and USSR became stronger. America would have to chart its own course, and that course would have to be a global one. Both sides accused the other side of the intention to hegemonize the world. And both overtake UN. In 1949 US ratified the North Atlantic Treaty and creating NATO, for the first time in its history the US committed itself in peacetime to a military alliance with European powers. World federalism The complexities of the Truman administration’s evolving attitude to the UN reflected the delicacy of the US-UN relationship. If the new world body looked too obviously like an American creation or an American puppet, its usefulness would suffer. In 1940’s-1950’s rises the problem of transforming UN in an anti-Soviet coalition. information regularly on their colony to the secretary-general and went away from San Francisco confident that the new world body was compatible with continued imperial rule. The charter gave the UN a foot in the door of the European colonial system. The rise of the general assembly After the take of position against colonialism of the Latin American States and several Arab and Asian members states the assembly itself took up the anticolonial cause. In 1946 the Indians presented the General Assembly as a case of racial discrimination. Often occurred that the politics trumped the law, and the Assembly “replace” the International Court of Justice. Another problem was that when the superpowers chose to act there was little the rest of the UN could do. The Security Council was a deeply politicized body, in sense of believing that the world’s political representatives not the lawyers should make the fundamental decision. Wilsonian vision of global governance → trough parliamentary deliberation instead of legalist internationalism. The General Assembly would not only bind itself to legal judgment, it would not even necessarily bind itself to the charter itself. So, based on the pure parliamentary procedure of majority voting. In the 1940-50’s, stuck between Soviet obstruction and McCarthyism in the US, the UN seemed paralyzed. Stalin’s death and the appointment of Dag Hammarskjold as secretary- general helped to unblock the stalemate. In the 1950-60’s lots of new members joined the Assembly. By this point, the Afro-Asian bloc dominated the General Assembly. The Bandung Conference in 1955 marked the Third World’s arrival as a political force and the moment when world’s fundamental division shifted from West-East to North-South. The conference was focused for the most on self-determination, and end with a sweeping condemnation of “colonialism in all its manifestations”. In November 1960 the UN General Assembly voted on Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples → which stated that all peoples had the right to self-determination and called for immediate steps to be taken to grant independence in the colonies. It was the most powerful call yet from the UN against a continuation of the European empires. The year after, the assembly, agreed to set up a special committee to monitor progress in the colonial territories toward independence. The Cold War had left the Security Council deadlocked. Instead, helped by the Uniting for Peace resolution, which allowed business to be shifted there from the council, the limelight shone on the assembly. Thanks to its influence even the Security Council was reformed. Under Kennedy government the US was determined to win the struggle for hearts and minds in the third World. He picked as his secretary of state Dean Rusk. Rusk explained → if the constructions of a genuine “world Community” was an American necessity, working through the UN was vital. As he put it in a speech on “The bases of US foreign policy”, The US’s foreign policy was in line with UN’s one. American soured on the UN also because the drive to self-determination was producing a “Balkanization” on a global scale → Unnecessary political fragmentation. Ask for page 269 In this period rose the problem of too much tiny states in the Assembly. The Israel question turned the US into the main veto-wielding power in the Security Council (17 times). In 1960-70’s the Third World became dominant in UN’s core bodies. The nonaligned movement grow a lot in this period. After the election, in 1981, of Peru’s Javier Perez de Cuellar as secretary-general, it became clear that the Third World and particularly the nonaligned movement were setting the agenda at the UN. By 1970, the assembly represented 127 countries and seemed a more stable and more global assembly ever seen before. At the same time this growing was counterbalanced by less importance to the Assembly, written off as nothing more than a talking shop. Politics at the UN became even more about symbols and even less about substance. Chapter 10: Development as World-Making, 1949-73 The background to point four After Truman’s re-election in 1948 the Americans returned to the UN with the idea of combat its influence. The Truman administration believed it had to demonstrate that capitalism had the better tools for improving the lives of the world’s poor and underprivileged, and want to change the world thorough the application of technology and expertise. Truman’s aim was a program of development based on the concepts of democratic fair- dealing. Since the US one of the most important economic supporter of the UN, US use UN’s institution for his foreign policy, the line dividing global agencies from American ones was hard to trace. US provided aid through the UN, in the 1950’s the contribution of USSR was $2 million, US’s one was $38 million. Point Four was presented by Truman as an internationalization of the achievements of the New Deal. The roots of technocratic thinking extended a lot of further back. Experts and technology at the base of the internationalization. Early international cooperation The coordination of aids during and after the war boosted the internationalization. For instance, the Middle East Supply Centre or UNRRA and subsequently FAO and WHO. This organizations provided technical and practical assistance instead of the more ambitious and more socialized approaches to aid that had run afoul of Congress. The preferred US vehicle for multilateral development was the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. When the administration of the Marshall Plan was given to the World Bank, at this point the World Bank as we know it began to emerge. UN orchestrated several major reports on development, all of which implied a much greater and more systematic investment of American capital than the White House was willing to contemplate. The first argued for full employment policies to prevent a recurrence e of the Depression by more extensive use of the World Bank and IMF; the second was an analysis of the “economic development of the underdeveloped countries” that called for capital investment across the underdeveloped world; and the third singled out the “special difficulties of the poorer underdeveloped countries” and argued for measures internationally to regulate trade markets and commodity prices. The UN was emerging as the site of an alternative vision to Washington’s, not an international economy fuelled by trade liberalization, but one based on redistribution of power between developed and underdeveloped parts of the world. The General Assembly was soon calling for the UN to develop its own development funding. In the 1960’s the idea was to use international institutions to encourage global flows of investment capital. The moral was that Third World governments together with American adviser should concentrate on accelerating the transition and ensuring that it happened on terms compatible with Western values and interest. But Rosenstein-Rodan, Rostow and Millikan argued that there were cultural changes to consider, issues of village size and farming techniques, before one could map out the correct path to industrialization through a take-off to self-sustaining growth. The idea that the free market alone was inadequate to guarantee growth and improve living standards had entered the mainstream. UN defined guidelines for development of underdeveloped countries. → Most governments established national planning agencies and industrial development corporations. Kennedy gave green light for the UN Development Program. If there was growth in the former colonial world it was dwarfed by the extra-ordinary post- war boom in Europe and US. Within twenty years the UN had turned into an institutional nightmare, with more than a dozen specialized agencies and a control machinery that was completely unworkable. Toward the new international economic order A conflict between rich world and poor one starts from the moment decolonization itself allowed the developed world to speak more powerfully than never before in an international setting. The Second/Third’s World states constituted an overwhelmingly majority in the UN. In 1964, took place the first UN Conference on Trade and Development. It was a milestone in international economic history. With 118 countries had been discussing on an international trade organization. A new group, named G-77, born which is made by underdeveloped countries. In 1974 the General Assembly passed a Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. Development was accorded a high priority, but the G-77 were really concerned about sovereignty and justice. Chapter 11: The United States in opposition The problem according to Moynihan (US ambassador to India) was that since the WWII, American foreign policy had strayed from the true path: it had veered between a “reform- interventionist” mode, exemplified by such policies as the Truman doctrine, and a “security- isolation” reaction. The Vietnam war has started as the former and ended up as the latter. For Moynihan the Wilsonian world is already half achieved since most peoples in the world lived in independent states for the first time in history. But Wilson (and Mazzini before him) had been wrong to assume that this would automatically lead to a growth of personal freedom, for many of them languished under dictatorial rule. It was up to America to promote the struggle for liberty around the globe. Nixon-Kissinger team had the opposite view. If Moynihan’s god was Wilson, Kissinger’s luminaries were the European statesman of the era of the Concert and the balance of power. For Kissinger the most important front was East-West, for Moynihan was North-South, so to managing the rise of the Third World. In March 1975 he published an article intitled “The United States in Opposition”, in which talks about the new world society which was being born thanks to decolonization and the spread of national self-determination. The US was no longer welcome inside the UN, where Chapter 12: The real new international economic order The cohesion of the economic block, made by US, Western Europe and Japan, was tested in 1970s. Productivity slowed in the developed world and distributional conflicts intensified. The Third World demanded a New International Economic Order. The terrifying worry to Washington was that differing European and American responses to this demand might break up the politico-economic alliance. Washington assigned a new global role to the IMF in particular, even as it withdrew support from much of the rest of the UN. In this way, within twenty years, the crisis of the West was turned into a new model of world governance, it even had its own ideology: globalization. Bankers abroad The world was awash in petrodollars as a result of the oil exporters’ cartel OPEC’s success, and this large OPEC windfall searched for lending opportunities. Private bank bid for the business. The new “casino capitalism” unleashed by the mass of petrodollars was a bonanza for the banks and a new challenge for national governments and for the IMF too. Floating exchange rates turned out to be susceptible to speculative raids. Simon understood how an international institution such as the IMF could be reshaped to become a global enforcer of fiscal discipline. If borrowing countries could not be trusted to carry out the necessary internal adjustment by themselves, the IMF would tell them how. The first thing that meant was prioritizing the struggle against inflation overgrowth, setting limits to the public-sector budget deficit, forcing the government to accept higher level of unemployment, and advising on tax increases and the exchange rate level. The IMF became an engineer at the global level of significant domestic policy changes. By the 1980s 66% of IMF loans involved substantial conditionality. The US Treasury hid behind the Federal Reserve and the Fed hid behind the IMF, which thus provided valuable political cover for the US official who were the ones really dictating terms. In general, there was the idea of putting economic over the political. Neoliberal experiments were also adopted by Russia which suffered it a lot. Organizing world trade Under the Clinton administration in particular, that trade liberalization became the watchword of US foreign policy and that a brand-new World Trade Organization was created in 1995 to promote this. WTO was essentially a club of the developed world. It talked the language of globalization, but this was a globalization that emanated from the North and remained under its control, the model was attractive enough for both Russia and China to seek to join. Its chief role was in establishing new commercial norms, and the growing importance, for instance, of international commercial arbitration was one of its achievements. Globalization: for and against By the end of the century, globalization was the new buzzword and there was no ambitious corporation or university that did not vaunt its globality. Then came 9/11 and the presidency of George Bush. Al-Qaeda took the gloss of talk of global villages and entrepreneurial magic. A new counter globalization seemed to have emerged. The entire system was becoming liquid, more dedicated to the immediate profits of a few moneymen, and less concerned with capital’s real function, to create new sources of growth and employment. Back to development Meanwhile, a rift was growing between IMF and the World Bank. World Bank publicly criticized the IMF’s philosophy. Attacking its secrecy and the standardized approach it adopted when confronted with global crises. In fact, he wrote, there was no evidence that liberalizing capital markets was essential for growth and plenty evidence to the contrary. Wolfensohn himself felt that the bank should think outside the economic box. It should advocate democracy and argue against corruption as a drag on growth. It was “civil society” that would provide the discipline, not centralized treasuries, and openness would bring success. He sketched out a third way between state socialism and right-wing laissez-faire. On the streets a radical critique, that argued against globalization and the liberalization of trade and capital, was growing. In this period there were several demonstrations against globalization and its bodies. In this context Wolfensohn understood that public relations were fundamental to shape the bank’s image. The same process was under way at the UN, which want to reverse the marginalization started in the 1970s. For UN development had to be expressed in terms of fight against poverty and disease. Here rose the concept of “Corporate governance”, which came in at least in two model. - A version that reminded CEOs about social responsibility, safety and environmental consciousness. - A tougher no-nonsense strain that saw democracy as a problem and (bad) government as the chief enemy of (good) governance. Rose the importance of humanizing capitalism. The attempt to rehabilitate the UN in the eyes of the American public and to use a humanized version of development to do so was derailed by the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the growing international rift over what to do about Iraq. Globalization had made malfunctioning states, formerly merely a problem for their own suffering populations, into a direct threat to American national security. Riguardare da 373 a 377. Chapter 13: Humanity’s law The idea that the national and the international are fundamentally complementary provided the rationale for creating a society of nations. At the end of the Cold War this idea was often incorrect. The “New World Order”, emerged after the Cold War, was characterized initially by an unprecedented expansion of the UN’s responsibilities and powers in the humanitarian realm. Its officials were increasingly active political agents who could have people arrested and cancel or mandate elections. Sovereignty was no longer regarded as absolute. With the establishment of the International Criminal Court the UN has come close to realize an international executive agency for the world. Toward humanitarian intervention The UN was growing into the peacekeeping role that would turn it into the second largest deployer of troops in the world after US. In the 1990s the peacekeeping operation increased a lot. The organization was being pushed by the Security Council into assuming what was effectively a powerful new world role. However, without American backing UN’s power was very limited. After Rwanda and Yugoslav, where the Secretary-General Boutro-Ghali was keen to preserve the UN’s impartiality and to avoid getting drawn into other civil wars, it was elected Kofi Annan, who was someone willing to contemplate the use of force. Under his leadership a more intimate relationship between US and the Secretary-General’s office emerged, a basic precondition for the new humanitarianism that would follow. Bosnia and Rwanda showed that sometimes peacekeeping was wrong. Enforcing an arms embargo on all sides, the “peacekeeping” UN had prevented the Bosnian from defending themselves. During Kosovo War the NATO started bombing the Serbs without Security Council authorization. The responsibility to protect. Control of a territory, the traditional criterion for sovereignty, was less meaningful than care of life-sustaining standards for a nation’s inhabitants. States that did not care for their own people might thus lose their legitimacy; in such circumstances the UN would have the right and perhaps the duty, to get involved. A high-level commission was established by the Canadian government to find a normative basis for future UN action so as to avoid the legal problems that the Kosovo intervention had posed. The idea of “Responsibility to protect” (R2P). One of the problems of R2P is that you can’t know the consequence of an intervention. West was obsessed by the intervention. From 2003 and 2010 there was a gap between US and UN. In 2010 with Obama president the gap was closed, since he and Ban-Ki-moon had the same views. R2P, in Obama and Bush governments, had several differences. But what they had in common was that each took a single issue, genocide for Obama and WMD (Weapon of Mass Destruction) for Bush. Pursuing the perpetrators After Nuremberg, proposals for a permanent international criminal court had languished and by the 1980s international law had become a pale imitation of what it had once been. In the 1990s, during the war in Yugoslavia and the genocide in Rwanda, were established International Criminal Tribunal. They paved the way for a general tribunal. This was first discussed in 1994 at the UN, and work on a draft statue resulted in the new court being established when the 1998 Rome treaty was adopted. Its jurisdiction limited to “the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole”. US was against ICC because of its troops involved in international missions. The court declared that unlike other crimes that regarded as universal in characters, it would not exercise jurisdiction over crimes of aggression when committed by no signatory states: US, China and Russia. In Africa there was the suspicious that the ICC was a court for the weak to be used by the powerful at their convenience. ICC as adjunct to the R2P. The idea of a law binding upon all states and those governing them seems as far away as ever. Chapter 14: What remains: The crisis in Europe and after Spinelli’s dream: The once and future Europe The idea of Europe as a federation of states was developed by a group of intellectuals prisoned in Ventotene. They wrote a manifesto in 1941, where they imagine a future for Europe after WWII. Its main author was Altiero Spinelli. He recognized that the Common Market was becoming a powerful force and he opted to work through it rather than around it. He wants to make the supranational institutions stronger. He approved the idea that economic union might lead to political union. Today’s European Union exists in a deeply ambiguous relationship to the principles of Ventotene. With the ending of Cold War, membership of the UE doubled within a decade. Signed in February 1992, the Maastricht Treaty gestured to an intensification of the single market and an acceleration of trade and financial flows through the creation of a common currency. The idea of a citizens’ Europe with strong representative institutions failed to materialize as both the European Parliament and its national equivalents were marginalized.