Twilight of Democracy: The Failure of Politics and the Parting of Friends (Summary), Sintesi del corso di Sociologia Dei Processi Culturali

Scarica Twilight of Democracy: The Failure of Politics and the Parting of Friends (Summary) e più Sintesi del corso in PDF di Sociologia Dei Processi Culturali solo su Docsity! INTRODUCTION The author of the book is Anne Applebaum, an American journalist and essayist who has become a naturalized Polish citizen. Born and raised in a Jewish family, she moved to Poland with her husband Radosław (Radek) Sikorski, a Polish politician and former Minister of Foreign Affairs in Poland. In this book, Anne Applebaum addresses the theme of democracy in a distinctive manner. Narrating her life in Poland, she observes how everything has radically changed in a few decades. Through various parallels between the past and the present, she seeks to demonstrate the reality of this transformation to us readers. For her, there has been a tangible change that has affected many Western countries (primarily Poland but also Italy, the United States, England, and Spain, which are countries she will discuss in her book), leading them to a deeper metamorphosis. To understand the reasons for this change, whether they are latent issues or a real novelty, Anne Applebaum analyzes the historical and political reality of various Western countries where radical thinking has become increasingly relevant. However, from the first chapter, the author makes a clear disclaimer, stating, "There is no single explanation, and I will not present either a grand theory or a universal solution here." Therefore, the author does not claim to possess a hidden truth that will save all democracies but rather engages in a thorough analysis of the problems associated with this change. The purpose of this book will only become clearer as we progress further. I – THE LAST DAY OF THE YEAR LAW AND JUSTICE IN GOVERNMENT On December 31, 1999, the author organized a party in Chobielin, Northwest Poland, to celebrate the end of one millennium and the beginning of another. The guests included friends, journalists, diplomats, and colleagues of her husband, who was then the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. Most of the guests came from the Polish political right, but in that historical context, almost everyone could be considered liberal, supporting democracy, the rule of law, and EU membership. However, the situation changed radically in the following two decades. Some of the guests, including long-time friends, embraced radical political positions, moving away from the liberal perspective and adopting a nationalistic and authoritarian political agenda typical of the Law and Justice party. This party, led by Jarosław Kaczyński, was accused of violating the constitution, controlling the media, dismissing public employees, and promoting conspiracy theories. The author reflects on how, in this polarized Poland, some of her former friends became active supporters of these radical policies, while others maintained liberal positions. The author then wonders whether these people she was once close to had actually changed or if they had always been inclined towards that ideology. How did they transition from supporting democratic values to attacking them and preferring populist and radical policies? The author says that given the right conditions, any society can turn against democracy, and if we are to trust history, all our societies will eventually do so. DEMOCRACY AND THE CLERGY Ancient philosophers like Plato expressed doubts about democracy, fearing the false speeches of demagogues. Plato came to believe that democracy was simply a step towards tyranny. The Founding Fathers in America, wanting to build a democracy based on rational debate, reason, and compromise, knew that someone would try to attack it. They foresaw measures to protect it, such as the electoral college. Hannah Arendt, the first philosopher of totalitarianism, analyzed the "authoritarian personality" as an isolated human being who, without any social ties to family, friends, or acquaintances, feels a sense of belonging solely through membership in a movement or party. Following Karen Stenner's research, an behavioral economist, it emerged that in every country, about 1/3 of the population shows an "authoritarian predisposition" that prefers homogeneity and order. Therefore, authoritarianism appeals to those who cannot tolerate complexity, pluralism, and heated debates, whether they lean right or left. However, the presence of this predisposition does not fully explain how demagogues win. In fact, to convince their voters to accept their policies, they need intellectuals who have legal language, can argue their theses, manipulate the truth and discontent of the people, and attack other intellectuals. This is where Julien Benda comes into play, a French essayist who wrote "The Betrayal of the Intellectuals" (1927). In his work, Benda is not concerned with authoritarian personalities but rather with individuals who supported authoritarianism and betrayed the intellectual's primary task, which is the pursuit of truth. He defined these individuals as unfaithful intellectuals, also known as "the clergy." If the collapse of democracy occurs, it will not happen like in the past but will require a new generation of clerics. The modern clerics who have gained real political power in these Western democracies have been members of the right. A conservative right different from the previous ones because the new right no longer wants to preserve what exists but wants to overthrow and destroy institutions. This generation of clerics can be found in Eastern Europe but also in Britain and the United States. Each seeks to redefine their nation and change the rules of democracy to never lose power. II – HOW DEMAGOGUES WIN THE ILLIBERAL STATE This brings us to the illiberal one-party state. Introduced by Lenin in Russia in 1917, it is now adopted by many contemporary autocracies. This model aims to maintain power and succeeds by clearly defining the elite in charge. While in Western democracies, the government is determined through competition, in illiberal one-party states, power is assigned to the most loyal party members rather than the most competent, resulting in antidemocratic and antimeritocratic outcomes. These regimes exert party control over media, public institutions, and officials. Historical examples include Hitler's Germany, Franco's Spain, Pinochet's Chile, and apartheid-era South Africa. Currently, potentially illiberal parties have monopolized power, such as Poland's Law and Justice party and Hungary's Fidesz party led by Viktor Orbán. Both have undermined independent institutions, favored their members, and consolidated power through nepotism and corruption. They also use anti-communism as a pretext to justify their actions, even though communists are no longer a political force. However, anti- communist rhetoric continues to attract those who harbor resentment and envy toward the perceived unjust system, convincing them to support illiberal parties. Jacek Kurski, brother of Jaroslaw Kurski, serves as an example. THE KURSKI BROTHERS The two brothers, originally from Gdansk, Poland, had different political views. Both embraced the anti-communist Solidarity movement in their youth, but as they grew older, they took different political paths. Jaroslaw entered politics and worked for Lech Walesa, while Jacek gravitated toward Kaczyński and embraced extremist views. Jacek admired the Kaczyńskis and was passionate about conspiracies IV – AVALANCHES OF LIES CACOPHONY, UNITY, AND THE INTERNET In a world dominated by the cacophony of digital communications, predicting political transformations has become increasingly challenging. Literature on political changes has primarily focused on measurable economic criteria, but answering crucial questions has become more complicated recently. While most people in Western countries do not suffer from hunger, significant political changes seem to be influenced by new types of difficulties, such as the complexity of opinions and experiences. The awakening of authoritarian predispositions, as described by Karen Stenner's research, suggests that the attraction to authoritarian ideas may stem from the simplicity of views. In a world where complexity irritates, diversity of opinions and experiences triggers negative reactions, leading to seeking solutions in new reassuring political languages. The research highlights that factors like immigration and declining wages can generate anxiety, anger, and division, but they are not exhaustive explanations for contemporary political changes. Anger towards immigration, for example, is not always correlated with real problems caused by immigrants but can arise from imaginary fears. The fragmentation of the public sphere and the absence of a unified national dialogue are accentuated by the rapid evolution of digital communications. Social media, with their algorithms promoting false perceptions and radicalizing opinions, contribute to a polarization that transfers from the online sphere to reality. Disillusionment with traditional institutions and growing skepticism toward "normal" politics lead to distrust in modern democracies. The polemical nature of modern discourse, where every piece of information is equated in a constant flow, induces a sense of disharmony and irritation in those who prefer unity and homogeneity. The new world of information provides tools and tactics for a new generation of leaders, the "clerics," who can reach their audience through simple language, powerful symbols, and clear identities. The polarization and cacophony of modern communication fuel the desire of some to forcefully suppress others, creating fertile ground for the rise of authoritarian movements. VOX AND SOCIAL MEDIA The author examines the rise of the Spanish party Vox, led by Santiago Abascal, highlighting its strategy of leveraging modern means of communication and addressing issues overlooked by traditional parties. Founded in 2014, Vox gained popularity by opposing Catalan separatism, rejecting same-sex marriage, criticizing feminism, and opposing Muslim immigration, employing tactics similar to those of Donald Trump. The author reflects on the political change in Spain, transitioning from centrist consensus to increasing polarization, with Vox emerging as a right-wing party thanks to an effective media strategy. The key role of figures like Rafael Bardají in shaping Vox's identity is emphasized, linking it to international movements, especially in the United States. Vox has adopted a strategy of identity construction through social media, creating a narrative of unity, tradition, and opposition to the establishment. The author also examines Vox's growth by analyzing its origins, strategies, and connections with nationalist and extremist movements in Europe. The party has exploited themes like immigration and opposition to political polarization, building an online presence through memes, videos, and websites promoting biased and conspiratorial narratives. The connection between Vox and other European nationalist movements is highlighted, with increasing cooperation through similar online disinformation strategies. The article underscores the role of "high-activity anomalous users" in supporting Vox and spreading anti-Islamic messages, suggesting the existence of an international disinformation network. It points out how such strategies have influenced elections in various countries. Finally, the author suggests that Vox and similar movements represent a new form of politics that uses information warfare as a primary tool, influencing public opinion and political outcomes globally. The author describes a shift in collaboration among leaders of nationalist and far-right parties in Europe. In the past, these figures were divided by historical and national contrasts, but recently there has been a change, with some intellectuals and ideologues of these movements finding common ground, such as opposition to immigration, defense of conservative and religious values, and aversion to the European Union. These movements have started to cooperate online, overcoming historical and national differences. The data analysis company, Alto Data Analytics in Madrid, studied how these transborder campaigns operate on social media, identifying the presence of "high-activity anomalous users," including both bots and real people highly active in spreading extremist content. The author also mentions the presence of conspiratorial websites operating in different countries and languages, aiming to create false narratives and influence public opinion by publishing biased material and emphasizing specific details to generate negative emotions such as anger, irritation, and fear. The author highlights how these strategies have been employed in various situations, such as the Spanish elections in 2019 and after the fire at Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris in 2019. It is noted that these online extremist movements are gradually gaining visibility in the real world, attempting to unite forces in conferences and international events. The author concludes with an example of a conference in Rome on nationalism, where several speakers share a negative view of modern societies and express a sense of political persecution. Hungarian leader Viktor Orbán is applauded, as he is seen as a successful example of maintaining power through media control and limiting political competition. V – AVALANCHES OF LIES AMERICAN DEMOCRACY The perception of American democracy is often seen as infallible; however, even the founding fathers, as mentioned earlier, were not so certain about it. Several classic authors claimed that history is circular and that special measures were needed to prevent tyranny. Nevertheless, American history is presented as a story of progress and strong optimism. Even when other democracies in Europe failed, many believed that it wouldn't happen in America because it would be different. Thomas Jefferson himself believed that democracy would succeed in America (Tocqueville). This was because America was isolated from Europe and its historical cycles, representing an exception. American patriotism was unique in its kind because it was not tied to an ethnic identity of a single origin but based on being citizens united by a constitution. However, alongside this optimism, there were also alternative visions. Some harbored a certain aversion to American ideals, considering them false, oppressive, and naive, expressing disappointment in what America had become and anger. It is highlighted that over the last century and a half, apocalyptic views have mainly emerged from leftist positions, such as Marxism, anarchism, and Bolshevism. These ideologies detested modernity and capitalism, expressing disgust at the U.S. military ventures abroad. Extreme left-wing groups like the Weather Underground declared war on the United States because they did not believe in the American political system, considering it useless and corrupt. In their most famous manifesto, "Prairie Fire," they expressed their hatred for the idea of American exceptionalism, believing that America was not an exception and that eventually, the revolution would come to the United States. The left was not the only radical group disgusted by the failures of American democracy. Indeed, the Christian right considered moral depravity, racial mixing, and decay as failures of democracy. For them, America was now lost, and a very pessimistic view spread: America could never improve until judgment day; in fact, it would only worsen. However, this pessimism was not new, as Patrick Buchanan had a similarly apocalyptic worldview earlier. For Buchanan, the failure of democracy was attributed to the decline of whites and the U.S. foreign policy, which he disapproved of. The author outlines how episodes of extreme political violence, such as the Weather Underground and the Ku Klux Klan, fueled pessimism. In the context of modern politics, the pessimistic language of conservative right figures like Patrick Buchanan is connected to the rhetoric of Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign. The reflection continues with an analysis of the transformation of the Republican Party, moving from the era of Ronald Reagan to the rise of Donald Trump. Trump represents a significant shift, abandoning American idealism in favor of a rhetoric of despair, xenophobia, and isolationism. The article highlights that beneath the surface of American consensus, there is another America characterized by ethnic nationalism, xenophobia, and indifference towards other democracies. Finally, the author reflects on the split within the Republican Party, citing the division between "Never Trumpers" and Trump supporters. The narrative provides insight into the significant ideological and political change that has affected the Republican Party, with detailed analysis of key events and personalities involved. In a more specific context, the author explores the transformation of Laura Ingraham, a conservative who, initially optimistic in the '90s, has become darker and more pessimistic in the present. Her support for Donald Trump is analyzed in light of personal motivations, professional ambitions, and the need to suppress deep doubts through adherence to extremist positions. VI – THE NON-END OF HISTORY DREYFUS Anne Applebaum analyzes the Dreyfus case, a historical event from the 19th century in France, emphasizing the deep divisions and controversies it generated. The Dreyfus Affair, which began in 1894, involved the unjust accusation of treason against Captain Alfred Dreyfus, an Alsatian Jew, while the real culprit was Major Ferdinand Esterhazy. The case highlighted social, political, and cultural tensions in French society at the time. The author draws parallels between this historical event and current political developments and social divisions, emphasizing that many dynamics and debates of the 20th and 21st centuries have roots in events like the Dreyfus Affair. The author notes similarities between the anti-Dreyfusards of that era and contemporary movements such as the alt-right, the Law and Justice party, the National Front, and QAnon followers.